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Browsing named entities in William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune.

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er named Sawyer, who had been previously held up to ridicule by a Tribune correspondent for eating his luncheon during the session behind the Speaker's chair, and who, in the table, was credited with receiving $281 more than was his honest due. Mr. Turner, of Illinois, whose excess of mileage was nearly $200, moved the appointment of a committee to inquire whether the Tribune's charges did not amount to an allegation of fraud against the members, and to report whether they were false or true. TTurner charged the editor-member-whom he alluded to as perhaps the gentleman, or rather the individual, perhaps the thing --with seeking notoriety, and being engaged in a very small business. Greeley took part in the ensuing debate, holding tenaciously to the main point of his disclosure. The discussion continued until January 16, when the committee made a report exonerating the members, and there the matter practically dropped. Greeley was accused, during the discussion, of employing in his
dered clearer, and the Northern determination to resist it was strengthened. The Tribune's files are a sufficient demonstration of the part it took in the formation of the new Northern sentiment, and Greeley's willingness to accept the compromise measures when they were in process of formation increased his authority when he interpreted the actual result. Now Whigs like Greeley and Seward, Free-soilers like Sumner and Chase, Abolitionists like Owen Lovejoy and Giddings, and Democrats like Trumbull and Blair saw a common ground on which they could fight under the same banner; and on this ground the foundation of the new Republican party was laid in 1854. Henry Wilson says: At the outset, Mr. Greeley was hopeless, and seemed disinclined to enter upon the contest. So often defeated by Northern defection therein, he distrusted Congress, nor had he faith that the people would reverse the verdict of their representatives. He told his associates that he would not restrain them, but,
e and tariff reformers. Illinois was divided between Senator Trumbull and Judge David Davis, of the United States Supreme C Adams, the most boastful for Brown, while the friends of Trumbull and Cox counsel quietly. The next day its advices from trepresented by forty-two delegates, and the supporters of Trumbull and Davis were stubbornly antagonistic. The anti-Adams fe nomination, reported no change, except that Greeley and Trumbull were a little stronger ; and the Sun correspondent noted d as follows: Greeley147 Brown95 Adams205 Curtin62 Trumbull110 Chase2ZZZ Davis922 This vote aroused the enthusIn the first ballot Missouri had given Brown 30 votes and Trumbull 3. In the second ballot it gave Greeley 10, Trumbull 16,Trumbull 16, and Adams 4. In the fifth ballot it increased the vote for Greeley to 18, giving Trumbull 8 and Adams 4, and the total of Trumbull 8 and Adams 4, and the total of this ballot gave Adams 309, and Greeley 258. Adams's supporters now counted on his nomination as a certainty on the next ba
Clay Tribune (search for this): chapter 7
ht in an easy chair. It was in this campaign that Greeley won his position as the leading Whig expounder and defender of the doctrine of protection. Greeley accepted the election of Polk as a personal defeat of himself. I was the worst beaten man on the continent, was his own later expression. But he also believed that Clay might have been elected had all the Kentuckian's supporters worked as hard as he did. The circulation of 100,000 copies of his Daily Tribune and of 25,000 of his Clay Tribune would, he always thought, have secured Clay's election. Greeley did not ignore, in the next few years, the growing importance of the slavery question, as it was shaping itself in connection with Texas annexation; but he did not abandon the tariff as his favorite leading issue for the campaign of 1848. Polk's letter to John K. Kane, in 1844, in which he had declared it the duty of the Government to extend fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, had, tog
De Tocqueville (search for this): chapter 3
y early manifested a demand for newspapers, and, as settlements were pushed farther West, a local paper would spring up, sometimes before the stumps were removed from the new clearing. A usual plan was for a printer to issue a prospectus and ask for subscribers. If he secured sufficient encouragement, he might act as his own editor, or, more probably (as was the case with the Northern Spectator), engage some person of a literary bent to devote a part of his time to the editorial room. De Tocqueville, in 1835, wrote: The number of periodicals and occasional publications which appear in the United States actually surpasses belief. There is scarcely a hamlet which has not its own newspaper. The number of newspapers and periodicals in the United States in 1828 was estimated at 863, with an annual issue of over 68,000,000, while the census of 1840 showed 1,403, with a yearly issue of 195,838,073 copies. New York State reported 161 in 1828, and 245 in 1840. But he found that the mos
De Tocqueville (search for this): chapter 11
hall, James, loan to Greeley, 59. Compromise of 1850,151-163. Congdon, C. T., 72. Constitutionalist, Greeley's work for, 26. Cooper libel suits, 11, 68. Crandall, Miss, opposition to her plan for negro education, 132. Curtis, George William, 72. D. Dallas, vote on tariff, 121. Dana, Charles A., 72, 82, 105. Davis, Judge, David, candidate for presidential nomination, 235. Davis, Jefferson, Greeley on, 218, 220-222. Depew, C. M., anecdote of Greeley, 107. De Tocqueville on early American newspapers, 27. Douglas, Stephen A., in the Kansas-Nebraska contest, 163-165; Greeley favors for Senator, 178. Dred Scott decision, 168. E. Evening Post, 111, 1.5 note. Express news-gathering, 73-76. F. Farming, Greeley on, 91-93. Fillmore signs compromise bills, 160. Finances, Federal and State, Greeley on, in the New Yorker, 35-38. Fourierism, Greeley's belief in, 79-84; later views, 85; Fourier Association formed, 81. Foxes' seances, 90
Samuel J. Tilden (search for this): chapter 7
ve him. He was the author of an article in the Merchants' Magazine of May, 1841, which replied to a free-trader's argument, and he and McElrath began, in 1842, the publication of a magazine called The American Laborer, whose purpose was the inculcation of the protective doctrine. In November, 1843, he and Joseph Blunt defended the affirmative side in a debate in the Tabernacle in New York city on the question, Resolved, That a protective tariff is conducive to our national prosperity, Samuel J. Tilden and Parke Godwin taking the negative. As he printed his argument on this occasion in his autobiography in 1868, it may be accepted as defining the groundwork of his belief. He laid down and explained five positions: 1. A nation which would be prosperous must prosecute various branches of industry, and supply its vital wants mainly by the labor of its own hands. History proved that an agricultural and grain-exporting nation had always been a poor nation. 2. There is a natural
Samuel J. Tilden (search for this): chapter 11
political issue, 114; Greeley's early advocacy of protection, 115-118; Clay campaign of 1844, 119, 120; Polk's position, 121; R. J. Walker's views, 121; tariff vs. slavery, 161; part in the Liberal Republican campaign of 1872,232-234; Liberal Republican plank, 240; Greeley's acceptance of it, 246. Taylor, Bayard, 72, 96. Taylor, Gen. Z., Greeley's listless support of, 148-151; on admission of California, 157. Temperance, Greeley's views, 18, 172. Texas annexation, 137-148. Tilden, Samuel J., 116. Times, New York, started, 94. Tribune, New York, Greeley's estimate of, 56; his plan of, 58-60; capital to start with, 59; its birth and early struggles, 61; weekly and semi editions begun, 62, 63; price, 63; war with the Sun, 63; its news character, 65-67; growth of subscriptions and advertisements, 69, 70; source of its influence, 71; associate editors, 72; express news-gathering, 73-76; value of Greeley's isms, 76; Brisbane's contributions, 80; support of Association schem
Jacob Thompson (search for this): chapter 9
the restoration of the Union and the abandonment of slavery, whatever else it embraces, say to him that he may come to me with you, under a safe-conduct. This broad acceptance of any authorized peace agent, under Greeley's guidance, puzzled the editor, and he first replied, expressing doubt whether the negotiators would open their budget to him. But very soon afterward he wrote Lincoln again, giving him in confidence the names of the Confederate agents (Clement C. Clay, of Alabama, and Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi), saying that he had reliable information of their authority and anxiety to confer with the President or such persons as he might authorize to treat with them, and urging prompt action, that it might do good in the coming North Carolina election. Greeley thus ignored the authority already given him to conduct the peace agents to Washington; but the patient Lincoln, in order to bring the matter to a head, sent Major John Hay (the present Secretary of State) to him with a
George Thompson (search for this): chapter 8
hanning was the only one of his classmates who would have allowed himself to be called an Abolitionist. When, in October, 1835, the Female Antislavery Society of Boston proposed to hold a public meeting, at which an address would be made by George Thompson, an eloquent assailant of slavery, handbills were circulated announcing that a purse of $100 had been raised by patriotic citizens to reward the individual who shall first lay violent hands on Thompson so that he may be brought to the tar-keThompson so that he may be brought to the tar-kettle before dark. Friends of the Union, be vigilant! and the meeting was broken up by a mob which the mayor confessed himself unable to control. A meeting of Abolitionists in Philadelphia, on July 4, 1834, was made the occasion of mob violence, in which Lewis Tappen's house was gutted, and other buildings, including churches, were damaged, and unoffending negroes were assaulted in the streets; these disorders continued for several days, and extended into New Jersey. The public animosity sh
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