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Browsing named entities in Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.).

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sed an influence which went beyond theology into literature; and Dwight produced something uncommonly like literature itself. Hopkins was born of Puritan stock at Waterbury, Connecticut. Roused to religious conviction at Yale by his college mate, David Brainerd, and by the revivalist Tennent, he heard Edwards before graduating in 1741, and, still not sure that he was a Christian, concluded to go and live with Mr. Edwards at Northampton as a student of divinity—which he did off and on till 1743. Then he was settled and ordained at Housatonic (later Great Barrington), where he had to contend with Indian attacks, malaria, and the Dutch settlers in his congregation; taking comfort, however, in a second intimate contact with Edwards while the latter was conducting the mission to the Stockbridge Indians. In 1769 the poverty of Hopkins's congregation, together with their opposition to his stiff doctrine, led to his dismissal. In the next year he accepted a call to the First Congregat
ightly esteemed by educated men of the day but was acceptable to the unsophisticated. Except as a curiosity, it is beneath contempt or criticism. Of the state histories that appeared in this period a few are worthy of mention. Jeremy Belknap (1744-98) wrote a History of New Hampshire (three volumes, 1784-92), which is of the first rank in our historical compositions. Had its theme been more extended, it would have become a household memory in the country. Benjamin Trumbull's (1735-1820) H held her stylus. Of the efforts of Prince and Hutchinson as early collectors of documents mention has already been made. See Book I, Chap. II. After the Revolution the first activity of that kind was due to the interest of Ebenezer Hazard (1744-1817) and Jeremy Belknap. Born the same year, they both graduated from college in 1762. Becoming fast friends, they left to posterity a correspondence which gives us our best glimpse of the conditions under which historical writing went forward
Beechers, the Muhlenbergs, and the Dwights, whose pietas, priestly, educational, juristic, and literary, has extended unto the third generation and beyond. It would be easy, but needless, to multiply examples in proof of the close and various personal connections between our divinity and our scholarship and literature. The family tradition is evident at once in Edwards's disciples. The sons of Jonathan, whether after the flesh or after the spirit, included Jonathan Edwards the younger (1745-1801), a systematic theologian, President of Union College, Schenectady, from 1799 to his death; David Brainerd (1718-47), author of a diary of his mystical experiences; Joseph Bellamy (1719-90); Samuel Hopkins (1721-1803); and Edwards's grandson Timothy Dwight (1752-1817). Of these,. Hopkins and Dwight are for many reasons the most important. The younger Edwards, after graduating at Princeton in 1765, was Hopkins's disciple; Bellamy's chief works were all published before the Revolution; an
o the third generation and beyond. It would be easy, but needless, to multiply examples in proof of the close and various personal connections between our divinity and our scholarship and literature. The family tradition is evident at once in Edwards's disciples. The sons of Jonathan, whether after the flesh or after the spirit, included Jonathan Edwards the younger (1745-1801), a systematic theologian, President of Union College, Schenectady, from 1799 to his death; David Brainerd (1718-47), author of a diary of his mystical experiences; Joseph Bellamy (1719-90); Samuel Hopkins (1721-1803); and Edwards's grandson Timothy Dwight (1752-1817). Of these,. Hopkins and Dwight are for many reasons the most important. The younger Edwards, after graduating at Princeton in 1765, was Hopkins's disciple; Bellamy's chief works were all published before the Revolution; and Brainerd, a young consumptive, who was to have been Edwards's son-in-law, died before him. Hopkins, moreover, exercised
England he wrote in four volumes a history of the Revolution (1788), which was widely read by the English, and in America was honoured with a pirated edition and long extracts in the newspapers. We now know that Gordon copied freely from The annual register, of which the parts dealing with America were at that time written by Edmund Burke. It is even charged that Gordon tempered his narrative to please the feelings of his friends in England. His book is but slightly esteemed. Dr. Ramsay (1749-1815), of South Carolina, though educated to be a physician, was more a politician and litterateur than a scientist. His History of the Revolution of South Carolina (1785) and History of the American Revolution (1789) were well received by an uncritical generation. It remained for a later age to discover that the second of these books, long accepted as an original work, was largely drawn from The annual register. Drayton and Moultrie were prominent South Carolinians, one a political and th
he first formidable protest came from Virginia and was directed against the Federal Court and its great chief justice, himself a Virginian, who was declared to be interpreting the Constitution in violation of states' rights and to be intent on building up a consolidated government, or as we should now say a unitary state. Jefferson, thoroughly disliking Marshall and all his works, was in or behind these attacks, but the great protagonists were Judge Spencer Roane (1762-1822) and John Taylor (1750-1824) of Caroline. Roane's argument was chiefly directed against the assumed right of final review of constitutional questions by the Federal Court in cases involving the validity of state legislation. Taylor in a number of very able books and pamphlets discussed the same subject; but he treated also the nature of the Union in a manner so critical and acute that, more nearly than any one else, he foreshadowed Calhoun and suggested the clear undimmed features of state sovereignty. Naturall
wever, rather than the Congregationalists, who took the first decisive step. In 1785, the congregation of King's Chapel, having adopted a modification of the Anglican liturgy, from which all Trinitarian doctrine had been omitted, ordained and installed as its rector James Freeman, who, together with William Hazlitt (father of the essayist), had performed the revision. This ordination is usually held to mark the formal beginning of Unitarianism in New England. The Rev. Joseph Buckminster (1751-1812) of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, a strict Calvinist, from first to last was doomed to lift up his voice against the liberal movement in vain. He protested against the Rev. Mr. Foster's Sermon at New Braintree (1788), which, he thought, offered salvation upon too easy terms; in a series of letters (1811) to the Rev. Hosea Ballou (1771-1852) Great-uncle of Hosea Ballou 2d, who was a founder and the first President of Tufts College. he protested against that pioneer Universalist's preach
atic theologian, President of Union College, Schenectady, from 1799 to his death; David Brainerd (1718-47), author of a diary of his mystical experiences; Joseph Bellamy (1719-90); Samuel Hopkins (1721-1803); and Edwards's grandson Timothy Dwight (1752-1817). Of these,. Hopkins and Dwight are for many reasons the most important. The younger Edwards, after graduating at Princeton in 1765, was Hopkins's disciple; Bellamy's chief works were all published before the Revolution; and Brainerd, a younhat his doctrine of disinterested benevolence had so impressed young Channing with the boundlessness of human generosity and the infinite worth of man that it became with him one of the points of departure for a new hopefulness. Timothy Dwight (1752-1817) could have had no such doubts of his present success. After a varied experience as student (graduated 1769) and tutor at Yale, as an army chaplain during the Revolution, as a farmer, as a member of the Connecticut legislature, and as preach
ffected by the fact that orators were appealing to a wide constituency, to a people engaged in very practical tasks, but self-confident, buoyant, and withal emotional or at least idealistic. The jurists of the time may here be considered first, although, as already said, it is not possible to disassociate the greatest among them from the problems which enlisted the enthusiasm and interest of the orator and political leader. If one turns, for example, to the decisions which John Marshall (1755-1835) gave as chief justice, one at once thinks of the work of Calhoun and other great particularists, who in the field of active politics put forth theories totally at variance with those coming from the Court. It is, therefore, quite impossible to detach Marshall from the most important movements of his time; for his words lose significance unless we see that they marked out lines of social and political progress and profoundly affected the character and career of the nation. And thus too
. Beecher's openness of soul—exhibiting frankly his delight in beautiful things and in human contacts—is perhaps his characteristic note, and together with the great historical interest of his work will probably go far to render it permanent. Mark Hopkins was one of a group of clerical college presidents and teachers in whom the old interest in systems was transferred from theology to anthropology. The group includes men like Francis Wayland (1796-1865), President of Brown University (1827-55); Archibald Alexander (1772-1851), professor at Princeton; James McCosh (1811-94), President of Princeton (1868-88); and Noah Porter (1811-94), President of Yale (1871-86). All of these turn from dogmatic theology to psychology, ethics, and the relations of the human mind to Christianity. They produce textbooks on Christian Evidences, Moral Science or Moral Philosophy, and Mental Philosophy, for the most part in a vein of Scottish dualistic realism modified by Sir William Hamilton's Kantian i
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