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Worcester (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
tly Lib. 20.191, 202. arraigned, found his excuse satisfactory. The meeting was finally turned out of doors by the police, but the reception was adjourned to Worcester, and Lib. 20.190, 193, 197. was supplemented by a second, at which the Mayor of that Henry Chapin. city presided in his unofficial capacity. In other Massachueat of assassination pencilled on the margin Lib. 20.194. of the copy sent him,—Keep a sharp lookout for Colt's revolver,—Mr. Thompson felicitously responded at Worcester: Those who plead for the American slave are under the protection of Him who hath said: No weapon formed against you shall prosper. Isa. 54.17. But Mr. Garrisonhad illustrated in the most signal manner both the intellectual and the political capacity of her sex, penned the letter just quoted on the day of the opening at Worcester of the first Woman's Rights Lib. 20.142, 175, 181. Convention in Massachusetts. Mr. Garrison had attended in June a preliminary meeting, in Boston, at which he
Syracuse (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
bers, leaking from stem to stern, laboring heavily on a storm-tossed sea, surrounded by clouds of disastrous portent, navigated by those whose object is a piratical one (namely, the extension and perpetuity of slavery), and destined to go down, full many a fathom deep, to the joy and exultation of all who are yearning for the deliverance of a groaning world.Zzz He had also drawn hostile attention to himself by a letter Lib. 20.6, 21, 25. to the mass convention of abolitionists held at Syracuse, N. Y., on January 15, of which the closing sentence read: I am for the abolition of slavery, therefore for the dissolution of the Union. Later, he drafted for himself and others a protest against the summary disposal of disunion Lib. 20.26, 30. petitions by the Massachusetts Legislature, alleging: (3.) That while your petitioners are subjected, by the Lib. 20.30. Constitution and laws of the United States, and therefore of this Commonwealth, to heavy fines for obeying the law of God,
Springfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ciples. And since they had invoked the religious sentiment in their behalf, he drew up for them an address to the clergy of Massachusetts. Lib. 20.162, 177. The short-sighted framers of the Fugitive Slave Law had good reasons for not anticipating the revolt which it actually caused among the clergy, limited and partial as this was. See a list of higher-law sermons, mostly preached in Massachusetts, in Lib. 21: 46. For instance, the chances were that the Unitarian Convention at Springfield, Mass., in the fall of Lib. 20.178. 1850, would reject resolutions denouncing the law. In fact, John Pierpont having presented such, Dr. Parkman Rev. Francis Parkman. gave as chairman a casting vote to lay them on the table, though avowing his willingness to harbor fugitives. Dr. Gannett deprecated discussion and all action, as being Rev. E. S. Gannett. liable to be misunderstood. Nevertheless, the resolutions were called up and passed, and other religious conventions Lib. 20.166, 178.
Plymouth County (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
agreeable duty—it is not every man who can perform a disagreeable duty. Lib. 20.70. Would Massachusetts, he asked sardonically, conquer her own Prejudices? Lib. 20.70. The answer to this question was rendered at the polls in November, when the Whig party received a crushing Lib. 20.182. defeat in Massachusetts. But more immediately response was made in Faneuil Hall by abolitionists and Free Lib. 20.47, 50. Soilers; by the colored people of Boston; by the voters of Lib. 20.55. Plymouth County, the home of Webster; and widely by the religious press. These fanned the excitement Lib. 20.57, 58. attending the debates over the Compromise in Congress; those which grew out of the petitions for peaceable disunion Lib. 20.29, 30, 38. presented by John P. Hale in the Senate; the calling of the Nashville Convention to concert disunion from the Lib. 21.3. Southern point of view; the various Southern legislative Lib. 20.5, 26, 31, 34. preparations for the same event. South Carolina
Newburyport (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
y the bill. For thus having convinced the understanding and touched the conscience of a nation, he was publicly thanked by some seven hundred addressers of Boston and Lib. 20.55, 57, 62. vicinity—great lawyers, like Rufus Choate and Benjamin R. Curtis; men of letters, like George Ticknor, William H. Prescott, and Jared Sparks (the last also the President of Harvard College); theologians like Moses Stuart, Leonard Woods, and Ralph Emerson of Andover Seminary. Half as many gentlemen of Newburyport confessed Lib. 20.73. their gratitude to Webster for his having recalled them to a due sense of their Constitutional obligations; and in this group we read the names of Francis Todd (who, if a novice in slave-catching, had known something of Ante, 1.180. slave-trading) and of the Rev. Daniel Dana, D. D. These Ante, 1.207. addresses, with Professor Stuart's obsequious pamphlet Lib. 20.83. on Conscience and the Constitution, elicited acknowledgments from Webster, which were so many supp
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 10
ay. He held in his hand the text or notes of his discourse, which was not one prepared for the occasion, but had been Lib. 20.85. delivered in various parts of New England and well received. In a clear, ringing voice, he repeated it to his Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.199. hearers in the Tabernacle, fixing the attention of those who ity to withstand it. With esteem and sympathy, I am very truly thy friend, John G. Whittier. Boston would fain have aped New York in dealing with the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, which opened at the Melodeon on May 28, and closed in Faneuil Lib. 20.87. Hall on May 30. The New York Herald's namesake—as vile as . Henry Bibb. She may fail at first, but her efforts will be crowned with equal success. I have only to say, I bid you God-speed, women of Massachusetts and New England, in this good work! Whenever your convention shall meet, and wherever it shall be, I shall endeavor to be there, to forward so good, so glorious a movement.
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
y of the people of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Concord who, three months—and three weeks—ago, defended the higher law, are now its open scoffers—and influential men, too. Such cholera of the human conscience never before swept over a nation. Concord was not more responsive to Manchester than to Richmond, Va., whose Enquirer (of the date of the Boston mob), going into a rage over Thompson's reappearance in the United States, asked if the Government would tolerate him in silence. Does no law, no Power, exist to punish Lib. 20.194. a member of Parliament who comes among us a disturber of the public peace? He should be consumed in the wrath of an indignant people for his audacity. To this, and to a threat of assassination pencilled on the margin Lib. 20.194. of the copy sent him,—Keep a s
Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
o apply to the South at large, as the size of gangs increased going Gulfward (Lib. 20: 38). In a speech delivered in 1844, Cassius Clay said, 31,495 only [of the then population of Kentucky] the Auditor's books show to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Hewitt, Auditor of Kentucky; and see Greeley's Life of C. M. Clay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—350,000 (Josiah Quincy, June 5, 1856, Library of American literature, 4.308; Wm. H. Herndon, 1856, Lib. 26.70; Theodore Parker, 1856, Lib. 26.81; Harriet Martineau, 1857, Lib. 27: 173); 400,000 (W. L. G., 1857, Lib. 27: 72; Owen Lovejoy, April 5, 1860, Lib. 30: 62). For the sake of the moneyed interests and social and political supremacy of this oligarchy, the whole c
Hudson River (United States) (search for this): chapter 10
dell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were specially directed. Never was a human being more out of his element. Isaiah Rynders, a native American, of mixed German N. Y. Times, Jan. 14, 1884. and Irish lineage, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the hea
Concord, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
quence, was heard with pleasure and without molestation. He received and accepted invitations even from New Hampshire. Parker Pillsbury, however, wrote from Concord, N. H., to Mr. Garrison: I take the liberty of calling your attention to the late Union Ms. Nov. 28, 1850. meeting in Manchester in this State, as reported in for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in his 7th of March speech (Works, 5.355). the doctrines of the Manchester meeting. Men in Concord who, three months—and three weeks—ago, defended the higher law, are now its open scoffers—and influential men, too. Such cholera of the human conscience never before swept over a nation. Concord was not more responsive to Manchester than to Richmond, Va., whose Enquirer (of the date of the Boston mob), going into a rage over Thompson's reappearance in the United States, asked if the Government would tolerate him in silence. Does no law, no Power, exist to punish Lib. 20.194. a member <
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