hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity (current method)
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in descending order. Sort in ascending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Charles Sumner 1,580 0 Browse Search
George Sumner 1,494 0 Browse Search
Massachusetts (Massachusetts, United States) 642 0 Browse Search
Robert C. Winthrop 392 0 Browse Search
Henry Wilson 348 0 Browse Search
William H. Seward 342 0 Browse Search
Fletcher Webster 328 0 Browse Search
Douglas 236 8 Browse Search
Edward Everett 224 0 Browse Search
Benjamin F. Butler 208 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. Search the whole document.

Found 1,038 total hits in 305 results.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ...
Illinois (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
euil Hall wrote that it was spoken of at the time as the greatest speech of the campaign. Boston Chronotype, November 1. It may be noted that at Chelsea he preceded by one evening Abraham Lincoln, who, then the only Whig member of Congress from Illinois, had been brought by his party to the State. Mr. Lincoln spoke first at Worcester on the evening before the Whig State convention, and a liberal summary of his speech, chiefly directed against the Free Soilers, appeared in the Boston Advertisthan three hundred thousand votes, exceeding but a small percentage one tenth of the vote cast; 291,342 in all. and two-thirds of his vote came from New York, Massachusetts, and Ohio. New York, 120,510; Massachusetts, 38,058; Ohio, 35,354; Illinois, 15,774; Vermont, 13,837; Maine, 12,096; Pennsylvania, 11,263; Wisconsin, 10,418; Michigan, 10,389. He led Cass only in New York and Massachusetts, but by dividing the Democratic vote in New York effected Taylor's election. As the majority rule
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ons, and less susceptible to popular pressure. Uniformly the House receded from its position, and the Proviso was lost. Thus the question was left open for the national election of 1848. When the issue of freedom or slavery for the new territory had been sharply drawn, a considerable body of the Whigs—the Southern generally, and the Northern to a large extent—sought to escape it by a declaration against any acquisition from Mexico. This proposition was made in the Senate by Berrien of Georgia, a Whig, in February, 1847, expressly, as he said, in the interest of the South; it was favored by other Southern men as a mode of allaying sectional agitation; and in the North, Whig politicians accepted it as a, device for keeping the peace within the party. Webster earnestly advocated it; Speeches of March 1, 1847, and March 23, 1848. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 253, 271. Corwin gave it later his sanction as a way of avoiding a direct issue on the Wilmot Proviso; At Carthage, O
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
to him as chairman of the State committee and one of the leading promoters of the movement, Sumner gave a large share of his time to addressing the people. He was urged in formal invitations to attend mass meetings in other States,—Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Ohio,—and to speak in the cities of New York, Brooklyn, Albany, and Philadelphia; but except a week in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland the Democrats in the election of Democratic judges, in the repeal of the infamous laws against negroes, and the election of Salmon P. Chase to the Senate. Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 338. Similar co-operation in Connecticut and Indiana resulted in the election of Free Soil members of Congress, or of Democrats who were pledged to Free Soil principles. On the other hand, Free Soilers in Massachusetts supported Mann for Congress, although he was at the time a voter
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ed nation could give as an indemnity. In February, 1848, Mexico ceded to the United States Upper California and New Mexico, a region extending from Texas to the Pacific Ocean. Ratified by the Senaous device for establishing slavery judicially. It prohibited the territorial legislatures of California and New Mexico from acting on the subject, and referred the question of its legal existence inromise, forced the organization of Oregon as a free territory, and reserved the question as to California and New Mexico for a popular agitation. The Clayton compromise was defeated in the House le. Giddings, in a letter to Sumner, Sept 8, 1850, considered that the Free Soil movement saved California to freedom. The Democratic national convention meeting at Baltimore in May, 1848, nominate consolidating or weakening the slave-power. He interposed no obstruction to the admission of California when, to the surprise of both sides, the inhabitants formed a constitution which expressly pro
Alaska (Alaska, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
t by a vote which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apparent, and the passion for territorial expansion too strong, to admit of this feeble expedient for resisting the course of events. Sumner from the beginning believed the acquisition to be inevitable, and treated the no more territory makeshift as altogether impracticable. Indeed, he never accepted the Whig idea of keeping the republic within its ancient limits, and was ready—as his welcome to Alaska and Canada late in life shows—for any extension on the continent which came naturally and justly. Adams, in the Boston Whig, July 29, Aug. 4 and 21, 1847, combated the no territory position as untenable. Contemporaneously with the debates concerning the exclusion of slavery from Mexican territory to be acquired, there was a similar contest as to a territorial government for Oregon. After a discussion prolonged from the previous session, a provision interdicting slavery in that territ
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 5
which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apparent, and the passion for territorial expansion too strong, to admit of this feeble expedient for resisting the course of events. Sumner from the beginning believed the acquisition to be inevitable, and treated the no more territory makeshift as altogether impracticable. Indeed, he never accepted the Whig idea of keeping the republic within its ancient limits, and was ready—as his welcome to Alaska and Canada late in life shows—for any extension on the continent which came naturally and justly. Adams, in the Boston Whig, July 29, Aug. 4 and 21, 1847, combated the no territory position as untenable. Contemporaneously with the debates concerning the exclusion of slavery from Mexican territory to be acquired, there was a similar contest as to a territorial government for Oregon. After a discussion prolonged from the previous session, a provision interdicting slavery in that territory passed
Mexico (Mexico) (search for this): chapter 5
n on the continent which came naturally and justly. Adams, in the Boston Whig, July 29, Aug. 4 and 21, 1847, combated the no territory position as untenable. Contemporaneously with the debates concerning the exclusion of slavery from Mexican territory to be acquired, there was a similar contest as to a territorial government for Oregon. After a discussion prolonged from the previous session, a provision interdicting slavery in that territory passed the House, Aug. 2, 1848, mostly by a sservice on that day. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, pp. 228-230. The Boston Advertizer, July 22 and 29, 1848, and June 28, 1850, approved this measure. The debates in the years 1846-1848 in relation to the Oregon and Mexican territories brought the opponents and partisans of slavery into a closer and fiercer conflict than before. The latter, emboldened by recent triumphs, set up with greater audacity than ever their pro-slavery theory of the Constitution, maintaining th
Quiquechan River (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ek in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with him an anonymous political pamphlet, much referred to at the time. Entitled General Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso. This also is preserved, with the numerous marks which he made upon it. The biographer has availed himself of brief no
Downer Landing (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ers of Massachusetts proved to be men of extraordinary vitality; and it is interesting to observe how many of them came to the front before or during the Civil War,—Sumner, Adams, Wilson, Burlingame, Dana, E. R. Hoar, and Andrew. Among the younger Free Soilers were George F. Hoar, Henry L. Pierce, John A. Kasson, and Marcus Morton, Jr, the last of whom became chief-justice of the Supreme Court of the State. The Free Soilers of Massachusetts have held two reunions,—one, Aug. 9, 1877, at Downer Landing, Hingham, with C. F. Adams presiding; and another, June 28, 1888, at the Parker House in Boston. with E. L. Pierce in the chair. The proceedings in each case were printed in pamphlet form. His name was put at the head of a State committee which was charged with the management of the campaign, and he became its chairman. At a later stage in the convention he again spoke briefly, stating the sympathy of Ex-President Adams with the movement in his last days. Besides the work of organi
Central Hall (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
is time to addressing the people. He was urged in formal invitations to attend mass meetings in other States,—Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Ohio,—and to speak in the cities of New York, Brooklyn, Albany, and Philadelphia; but except a week in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he ha
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ...