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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.). Search the whole document.

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United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
ting the British colonies on the Continent of America considered, in a letter from a Gentleman in Plet, of which some eight editions appeared in America, two in London, one in Dublin, and a French vdon, and a reprint many years later in the United States, gave some vogue to the name Novanglus, thnd where he continued to publish pamphlets on America until the end of the war. Another New Yorkwholly respectable career in England, came to America in 1774, in his thirty-eighth year, armed wit to witness the passing of royal authority in America. With the rejection of petitions on the one ormally recognized the independence of the United States; but independence had been achieved in fac, there were many who were now to set the United States forward in the next stage of its career. o the Vices of the Political System of the United States, Writings, ed. Hunt, II, 361-369. and phe constitutions of government of the United States of America. This work, written and first publis[9 more...]
Great Britain (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 1.9
pprehension which it has already aroused, and the absence of any clear necessity for raising an American revenue by parliamentary fiat. What motive . . . can remain, to induce the parliament to abridge the privileges, and lessen the rights of the most loyal and dutiful subjects; subjects justly intituled to ample freedom, who have long enjoyed, and not abused or forfeited their liberties, who have used them to their own advantage, in dutiful subserviency to the orders and interests of Great-Britain? Such reasoning as that of Otis, Thacher, and Hopkins, however convincing to the popular mind, avoided, but did not settle, the important and difficult constitutional question of the ultimate authority of Parliament over the colonies. On that question the wisest were certain to differ, and a presentation of the other side of the case was speedily forthcoming. In February, 1765, there appeared at Newport A Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, published
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
e support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Philadelphia, in The weakness of Brutus exposed, a reply to the first of a series of sixteen essays ascribed to Thomas Treadwell of New York; Tench Coxe, in An examination of the Constitution, written over the pseudonym of An American Citizen ; and David Ramsay, in An address to the Freemen of South Carolina. The opposition was represented by Elbridge Gerry's Observations on the New Constitution; Melanchthon Smith's Address to the people of the state of New York, and preeminently by Richard Henry Lee, in his Observations leading to a fair examination of the system of government proposed by the late Convention, and by George Mason of Virginia, in his Objections to the proposed Federal Constitution, to the latter of whom James Iredell of North Carolina made an elaborate rejoinder. The fore
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
buses. An even more effective statement of the American case is found in The rights of colonies examined, a pamphlet written by Stephen Hopkins, governor of Rhode Island, and published at Providence in 1765. Admitting the right of Parliament to regulate the affairs of the whole empire, Hopkins not only claims for the colonieson of the other side of the case was speedily forthcoming. In February, 1765, there appeared at Newport A Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, published anonymously, but written by Martin Howard, a Newport lawyer of repute. In this temperate, logical, and readable pamphlet, the Gentleman at Halifax,he British Colonies against the Aspersions of the Halifax Gentleman. Howard retorted with A Defence of the Letter from a Gentleman at Halifax, to his Friend in Rhode-Island, to which Otis responded with Brief remarks on the defence of the Halifax libel on the British-American-colonies. The tide of patriotism was rising, however,
Pennsylvania (Pennsylvania, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
ances and a petition to the king — were mainly the work of John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, whose notable career as a political writer, already begun in the controverssion, easily the most important is John Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania to the inhabitants of the British colonies. Writings, ed. Ford, 1, 307-40er to contribute powerfully to the acceptance of the Federal Constitution by Pennsylvania. Not all who entered the lists, however, agreed so unreservedly with the entiments of Congress or of the patriot leaders. A series of papers in The Pennsylvania packet, reprinted in a pamphlet with the title A Few Political Reflections Serent class belong the numerous writings of Joseph Galloway, a delegate from Pennsylvania to the first Continental Congress. Already prominent in the politics of hission of General Howe's army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania . . . In a word, my dear Sir, if every nerve is not strained to recruit the
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
Ramsay, in An address to the Freemen of South Carolina. The opposition was represented by Elbridge Gerry's Observations on the New Constitution; Melanchthon Smith's Address to the people of the state of New York, and preeminently by Richard Henry Lee, in his Observations leading to a fair examination of the system of government proposed by the late Convention, and by George Mason of Virginia, in his Objections to the proposed Federal Constitution, to the latter of whom James Iredell of North Carolina made an elaborate rejoinder. The foregoing are collected in P. L. Ford, Pamphlets on the Constitution. Incomparably superior, whether in content, or in form, or in permanent influence, to all the other political writing of the period are the eighty-five essays known collectively as The federalist. The essays, the joint work of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, appeared in the New York Independent journal during the seven months beginning October, 1787. They had been preceded, and to a
New York State (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
ant. Noah Webster, best known to later generations as a lexicographer, came to the support of the new instrument in An examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution; as did John Jay, in An address to the people of the state of New York; Pelatiah Webster of Philadelphia, in The weakness of Brutus exposed, a reply to the first of a series of sixteen essays ascribed to Thomas Treadwell of New York; Tench Coxe, in An examination of the Constitution, written over the pseudonym of An American Citizen ; and David Ramsay, in An address to the Freemen of South Carolina. The opposition was represented by Elbridge Gerry's Observations on the New Constitution; Melanchthon Smith's Address to the people of the state of New York, and preeminently by Richard Henry Lee, in his Observations leading to a fair examination of the system of government proposed by the late Convention, and by George Mason of Virginia, in his Objections to the proposed Federal Constitution, to the lat
New York (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
pamphlets by a Westchester Farmer. The author was the Rev. Samuel Seabury, then and for some time rector of St. Peter's Church, Westchester, and later, by time's curious working, first bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States. The four pamphlets, entitled respectively Free thoughts on the proceedings of the Continental Congress, The Congress Canvassed, A view of the controversy between great-britain and her colonies, and An alarm to the legislature of the province of New-York, were a powerful attack upon the aims and policy of the Congress and the patriot leaders, and a plea for such adjustment as would assure to the colonies local self-government, on the one hand. with full recognition of parliamentary authority on the other. For writing the pamphlets Seabury was mobbed, imprisoned, and hounded until in 1776 he took refuge within the British lines. It was in reply to the first of Seabury's pamphlets that Alexander Hamilton, then a college student of seven
New Jersey (New Jersey, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
uct of military affairs; but few of these are predominantly political in character, almost none were printed in America at the time, and the publication of nearly all of those by American authors dates from years long subsequent to the war. Of the war-time pamphlets, the most important are the series to which the author, Thomas Paine, gave the title of The crisis. The first issue of the series had its origin in the gloom and despondency occasioned by Washington's famous retreat across New Jersey, in the fall and early winter of 1776; a retreat which to many seemed to presage the speedy collapse of the American cause. On 18 December, Washington, irritated and alarmed at the rapid dwindling of his army under the operation of short-term enlistment, wrote to his brother: Between you and me, I think our affairs are in a very bad situation; not so much from the apprehension of General Howe's army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania . . . In a word, my dear
Massachusetts Bay (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 1.9
e revenue schooner Gaspke (1772) occasioned hardly more than local excitement. Colonial newspapers continued to print essays on American rights, and houses of assembly embodied their views in resolutions; but these occasional writings, while doubtless not without their influence upon public opinion, hardly constitute a political literature of importance. To this early period of revolutionary agitation belong also the first two volumes of Thomas Hutchinson's History of the colony of Massachusetts Bay (1764-67） See also Book I, Chap. II. and the famous Hutchinson Letters, which, although not made public until 1773, date from 1768-69. Written by Hutchinson, previous to his governorship, to a friend in England, the Letters discuss events in Massachusetts from the point of view of a loyalist official who, deeply attached to the colony, was also deeply concerned at the grave course which affairs were taking, and who could honestly declare: I wish the good of the colony when I
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