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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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personal dignity, of the time. He found himself in the midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were specially directed. Never was a human being more out of his element. Isaiah Rynders, a native American, of mixed German N. Y. Times, Jan. 14, 1884. and Irish lineage, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connect
s during the Mexican War. (Sensation, uproar, and confusion.) The name of Zachary Taylor had scarcely passed Mr. S. May, Jr., in Boston Commonwealth, Feb. 14, 1885. Garrison's lips when Captain Rynders, with something like a howl, forsaking his strategic position on the borderline of the gallery and the platform, dashed headlat he had simply quoted some recent words of General Taylor, and appealed to the audience if he had said aught in disrespect of him. Boston Commonwealth, Feb. 14, 1885. You ought not to interrupt us, he continued to Rynders—in the quietest manner conceivable, as Dr. Furness relates. We go upon the principle of hearing everybody.sident's offer, drew back a little, and stood, with folded arms, waiting for Mr. Garrison to conclude, which soon he did Rev. S. May, Boston Commonwealth, Feb. 14, 1885.—offering a resolution in these terms: Resolved, That the anti-slavery movement, instead of being infidel, in an evil sense (as is falsely alleged), is truly C
January 24th, 1885 AD (search for this): chapter 10
lled ( Life and work of J. R. W. Sloane, D. D., p. 84). We quote above from the account of the Rynders mob written by Dr. Furness for a friend of his in Congress, but allowed to be published anonymously in the Pennsylvania Freeman of May 23, 1850 (Lib. 20: 81). We shall also have occasion to use another account from the same hand, printed on pp. 28-35 of the pamphlet commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of his ordination (Philadelphia, 1875), and reprinted in the Boston Commonwealth of Jan. 24, 1885. The reading of the Treasurer's report followed, and then Mr. Garrison, resigning the chair to Francis Jackson, proceeded to make the first speech of the day. He held in his hand the text or notes of his discourse, which was not one prepared for the occasion, but had been Lib. 20.85. delivered in various parts of New England and well received. In a clear, ringing voice, he repeated it to his Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.199. hearers in the Tabernacle, fixing the attention of those who
June, 1885 AD (search for this): chapter 10
laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the United States, beginning with an amendment of the Constitution. This gentleman is one of the most wealthy and respectable in this city [New York]. Another, of equal wealth and respectability, told me he had no objection to the reestablishment of slavery in this State. A few such examples of perverted principle and feeling are quite enough to satisfy me that our only hope is from the country. To Hon. Chas. A. Mann; in Mag. Am. Hist., June, 1885, p. 585. The readiness of wealth and respectability to suppress the anti-slavery agitation by force was again to be illustrated, in 1850 as in 1835, in the person of Mr. Garrison. He began the year in poor health, though still in the lecture Lib. 20.2, 7, 19, 21. field, and taking some, if not his usual, part in the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in Jan. 23-25, 1850. Faneuil Hall. He there offered a resolution condemning Longfellow's newly published ode to
January, 1886 AD (search for this): chapter 10
exceeding six months); and denying the alleged fugitive all right to testify in his own defence. Nor did Webster, who, while yet undecided on which side to commit himself, had drawn up an amendment Lib. 20.100. providing for a trial by jury (which lay hid in his desk on the 7th of March), make this a sine qua non of his adhesion; or revolt at the effect given to the kidnapper's ex-parte Lib. 20.95. affidavits; The pagan law of Crete unearthed at Gortyna (Am. Jour. of Archcaeology, Jan., 1886), and assigned to the Solonian period, provided: Whoever intends to bring suit in relation to a freeman or a slave, shall not take action by seizure before trial; but, if he do seize him, let the Judge fine him ten staters for the freeman, five for the slave, and let him adjudge that he shall release him within three days. . . . But if one party contend that he is a freeman, the other that he is a slave, those that testify that he is free shall be preferred. The Fugitive Slave Law not onl
June 11th, 1888 AD (search for this): chapter 10
De Bow, who superintended that of 1850, estimated the total number at 347,525, or, excluding the hirers of slaves, 186,551. This would make an average holding of 17, whereas the Kentucky average reported to Palfrey and Jay was 22, and seemed too low to apply to the South at large, as the size of gangs increased going Gulfward (Lib. 20: 38). In a speech delivered in 1844, Cassius Clay said, 31,495 only [of the then population of Kentucky] the Auditor's books show to be slaveholders (Ms. June 11, 1888, C. M. Clay to Gen. Fayette Hewitt, Auditor of Kentucky; and see Greeley's Life of C. M. Clay ). De Bow's estimate for the same State, in 1850, hirers included, was 38,385. Clay, again, in a letter to the National Republican Convention at Pittsburg of Feb. 22, 1856 (Lib. 26.41), put the Southern slaveholders at 300,000, but De Bow's larger estimate was generally current—350,000 (Josiah Quincy, June 5, 1856, Library of American literature, 4.308; Wm. H. Herndon, 1856, Lib. 26.70; Theodor
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 10
50, to consider the condition of fugitive slaves and other colored persons under the new law. In a letter read in his absence, he impugned the constitutionality both of the law of 1850 and of that of 1793 which it amended, alleging that Massachusetts accepted the compromise clause in the Federal Constitution concerning runaways on the understanding that the claim should be enforced in conformity to and in coincidence with the known and established principles of her own Constitution. Charles Francis Adams, who presided, and Richard H. Dana, Jr., who offered the resolutions, called for the instant repeal, at the next session of Congress, of a measure both unconstitutional and repugnant to the moral sense, and promised to help defend the colored people, whom they advised to remain. Ten days before, at Belknap-Street Church, this Oct. 4, 1850. class of citizens had resolved to arm, and to resist the kidnapper to the death. Mr. Garrison, while Lib. 20.162. admonishing them that fugiti
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 10
ch endeavors would inevitably render it—should this be attempted, I know nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow. But how consistently he had dodged every opportunity Ante, 2.247. in Congress to make himself the spokesman of that muchdesired North, or the protector of that respectable religious feeling when it was regularly coerced into silence in both Houses! What word or act of his in support of John Quincy Adams since 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppressed, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake of the Compromise game was the Fugitive Slave Law,
but because you were abolitionists and practical believers in the doctrine of the Declaration of Independence. So understanding it, I thank you for your perseverance and firmness in vindicating rights dear to us all. The great battle for free speech and free assembling is to be fought over. The signal has been given at Washington, and commercial cupidity at the North is once more marshalling its mobs against us. The scandalous treachery of Webster, and the backing he has received from Andover and Harvard, show Ante, p. 278. that we have nothing to hope for from the great political parties and religious sects. Let us be prepared [for] the worst, and may God give us strength, wisdom, and ability to withstand it. With esteem and sympathy, I am very truly thy friend, John G. Whittier. Boston would fain have aped New York in dealing with the New England Anti-Slavery Convention, which opened at the Melodeon on May 28, and closed in Faneuil Lib. 20.87. Hall on May 30. T
Charles G. Atherton (search for this): chapter 10
nd without molestation. He received and accepted invitations even from New Hampshire. Parker Pillsbury, however, wrote from Concord, N. H., to Mr. Garrison: I take the liberty of calling your attention to the late Union Ms. Nov. 28, 1850. meeting in Manchester in this State, as reported in the N. H. Patriot. You will, I think, be greatly edified by some of the speeches, particularly with Ichabod Bartlett's, a Portsmouth Whig and the most able lawyer in the State, and also with Chas. G. Atherton's, of gag-rule memory, and Senator Norris's, Ante, 2: 247-249. who arrested Geo. Storrs while praying in a pulpit. The Ante, 2.67. indignation in this town on Mr. Thompson's visit to this country burns as hot as when he was here before. I think he would be mobbed as quick as then. . . . My decided opinion is, that a very large majority of the people of this State will support with alacrity Webster's phrase for fulfilling constitutional obligations (scilicet, slave-catching), in
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