hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity (current method)
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in descending order. Sort in ascending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Horace Greeley 888 2 Browse Search
Thurlow Weed 134 0 Browse Search
Zacheus Greeley 124 0 Browse Search
Henry Clay 120 0 Browse Search
William H. Seward 106 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 76 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 68 0 Browse Search
Nicolay-Hay Lincoln 64 0 Browse Search
U. S. Grant 62 0 Browse Search
Charles Francis Adams 60 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune.

Found 2,930 total hits in 982 results.

... 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 ...
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 7
a statement of his tariff principles his work for Clay in 1844 its effect on his health desire to try the issue four years later Greeley's sympathies were always in favor of a protective tariff. He heard the hard times of his boyhood in New England attributed to the cheapness of English products; both the political parties in the presidential campaign of 1828, when he was an apprentice in the East Poultney office, professed devotion to protection, and speeches which he heard at a consults veto of the United States Bank bill. But a visit to Washington in December, 1841, convinced Greeley that Tyler was treacherously coqueting with Loco-focoism with a view to his own renomination. Greeley made a trip in 1842 through parts of New England, New York State, and Pennsylvania, including Washington in his itinerary, and on his return he foreshadowed his view of the issue to be made prominent in the next presidential campaign in a note from the senior editor, in which he said: The ca
New England (United States) (search for this): chapter 8
f against slavery extension,, can be understood by an examination of the popular opinion on the subject in the years following the Missouri compromise. For many of these years the opposition, not only to antislavery agitation, but to negro education and any approach to negro equality, was quite as strong in the Northern States as it was below Mason and Dixon's line. The Liberator, in its salutatory, said that a greater revolution was to be effected in the Free States-and particularly in New England-than at the South. I [Garrison] found contempt more bitter, opposition more active, detraction more relentless, prejudice more stubborn and apathy more frozen than among slaveholders themselves. The list of antislavery societies in the United States in 1826 shows that there were none in Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, or Connecticut, and only one each in Rhode Island and New York, while there were forty-one in North Carolina, twenty-three in Tennessee, four in Maryland,
Exeter, N. H. (New Hampshire, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
rs old, he lay sick with the measles. At Westhaven, Vt., the Greeleys lived near the house of the landowner who gave them employment, and he allowed Horace access to his library; and thus, by the time the boy was fourteen years old, he had read the Arabian Nights, Robinson Crusoe, Shakespeare, and some history. During the family's last year's residence in New Hampshire Horace's repute as a student induced a man of means to offer to send the lad, at his own expense, to Phillips Academy at Exeter, and afterward to college. Some men, after going through such struggles as Greeley encountered, would have regretted in later years the loss of this opportunity. Greeley did not. On the contrary, he expressed his thanks that his parents did not let him be indebted to any one of whom he had not a right to expect such a favor, and he was ever hostile to the education furnished by the colleges of the day. To a young man who wrote to him in 1852 for his advice about going to college, Greeley
Granville, O. (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
, provided only for the common benefit and mutual well-being of the whole. And why should not this arrangement be satisfactory and perfect? Why should not even the existing evils of one section be left to the correction of its own wisdom and experience when pointed out by the unerring finger of experience? The New Yorker supplies expressions of the editor's views of the agitation stirred up by the Abolitionists. On May 21, 1836, condemning an attack on an antislavery convention at Granville, Ohio, it expressed a hope that, on the next occasion of this kind, the real and substantial opponents of the antislavery agitation would repress the mob pretending to act in their behalf, and said: It is quite enough to have some hundreds of Abolitionist declaimers exciting the public mind with regard to this subject, without obliging us to look with complaisance on such suicidal outrages committed in the name of the cause of moderation, right, reason, and the compromises of the Constitution
Manhattan, Riley County, Kansas (Kansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 2
he summer of 1831 to seek his fortune, arrived in what would now be called a good-sized town. The population of Manhattan Island (below the Harlem River) was only 202,589 in 1830, as compared with the 1,850,093 shown by the census of 1900; the total population of the district now embraced in Greater New York was then only 242,278, while in 1900 it was 3,437,202. The total assessed valuation of the city, real and personal, in 1833, was only $166,491,542; in 1900 it was, for the Borough of Manhattan, $2,853,363,382. No railroad then landed passengers or freight in the city, no ocean steamers departed from the docks, and there was no telegraphic communication. Thirteenth Street marked the northern boundary of the settled part of Manhattan Island, and although, in 1828, lots from two to six miles distant from the City Hall were valued at from only $60 to $700 each, more than one writer of the day was ready to concede that, owing to advantages of cheaper land on the opposite shores of
Bull Run, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 9
s war-cry Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond! The rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there on the twentieth of July! By that date the place must be held by the national army. When the advance was made, and the disaster of Bull Run followed, Greeley and the Tribune incurred what might be called a national denunciation. The battle of Bull Run, says Parton, nearly cost the editor of the Tribune his life. Mr. Greeley was almost beside himself with horror, to which was addeddisbandment of forces. I do not consider myself at present a judge of anything but the public sentiment. That seems to me everywhere gathering and deepening against a prosecution of the war. The gloom in this city is funereal — for our dead at Bull Run were many, and they lie unburied yet. On every brow sits sullen, scorching, black despair. It would be easy to have Mr. Crittenden move any proposition that ought to be adopted, or to have it come from any proper quarter. The first point is to
Bull Run, Va. (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
d's letter, 180-182; defeated for United States Senator, State Comptroller, and Congress, 182, 183; not a candidate for office under Lincoln, 184; justifies the right to secede, 184-187; Forward to Richmond cry, 188, 189; letter to Lincoln after Bull Run, 190; efforts for foreign mediation, 193-196; Prayer of Twenty Millions, 196-198; opposition to Lincoln's renomination, 199-201; proposed withdrawal of Lincoln's name, 201; a fault-finder, 202; Niagara Falls negotiations, 203-208; letter to Lincnnati convention, 234-244; platform, 239; balloting, 242-244; Greeley's nomination, 244; early dissolution of the movement, 246, 247. Lincoln, Abraham, Greeley's preference for Douglas, 178; caution to Greeley, 186; Greeley's letter to, after Bull Run, 190-192; reply to Greeley's Prayer of Twenty Millions, 197; Greeley's opposition to his renomination, 199-202; part in Niagara Falls negotiation, 203-208; suppressed editorial on, 210; Greeley's final view of, 212, 213. Log Cabin (newspaper
Lowell (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
soil, timber, minerals, and water-power fairly entitles you to a population of five millions before the close of this century. Consider that the natural highway of empire — the shortest and easiest route from the Atlantic to the heart of the great valley-lies up the James River and down the Kanawha, and that this city, with its millpower superior to any in our country but that of St. Anthony's Falls on the Mississippi, ought to insure you a speedy development of manufactures surpassing any Lowell or Lawrence, with a population of at least half a million before the close of this century. Greeley was not a good prophet. The population of Virginia in 1900 was 1,854,184, and of Richmond 85,050. In his autobiography he said, I predict that California will have 3,000,000 of people in 1900 and Oregon at least 1,000,000. The population of California in 1900 was 1,485,053, and of Oregon 413,536. I exhort you, then, Republicans and Conservatives, whites and blacks, to bury the dead past
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 8
to accept the result as a Whig victory. When, in October, it was proposed to hold in New York city a great meeting to indorse the peace measures, the Tribune said: Forty Abolition meetings will not advance the antislavery sentiment so much as one grand mercantile city meeting to put down Free-soilism and make a finish of antislavery excitement. Greeley was not even to be won over by an appeal to the peril there might be to the tariff in Whig discord, and, replying to an article in the Richmond (Va.) Whig, he said: If it [the Tribune] can only procure protection to the labor of New York by conspiring to rob the laborers of Virginia of their just earnings, it will spurn the bargain. All that there was in the nature of pacifying compromise in the act of 1850 was overshadowed by the practical effect of the attempts to enforce the new fugitive slave law. Greeley early declared that the existence of this law might be endured so long as it was rarely enforced, but no longer, and he open
Richmond (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 10
during the impeachment trial, declared, The nation demands impeachment. The reconstruction acts excluded from a share in the new State governments all persons already disfranchised for participation in the rebellion; an amendment offered in the House by Mr. Blaine, that the rebel States should be entitled to representation in Congress whenever the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution should be ratified, and they should consent to it, was defeated, 69 to 94. Greeley in a speech in Richmond, Va., in May, 1867, stated that he accepted this proscription only as a precaution against present disloyalty, adding: I believe the nation will insist on such proscription being removed so soon as reasonable and proper assurances are given that disloyalty has ceased to be powerful and dangerous in the Southern States. When Jefferson Davis's counsel, George Shea, an old friend of Greeley, consulted the latter about procuring satisfactory bondsmen for his client, Greeley suggested two promi
... 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 ...