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Browsing named entities in William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune.

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August 5th (search for this): chapter 8
nths, a bill, reported by a special committee of which Clay was chairman, and known as the omnibus bill, containing the substance of Clay's resolutions, was reported, Greeley went to Washington, and in his correspondence with the Tribune classed himself among the compromisers. This bill was in itself a further compromise, as it omitted Clay's original declaration that slavery does not exist by law. The Tribune even abandoned that tower of strength and safety, the Wilmot proviso, saying on August 5: Our opinion of the propriety and legality of the Wilmot proviso has not changed one hair, but the necessity for it is now far less than it has been. Give us California admitted, and territorial governments for New Mexico and Utah, and we will forego the Wilmot proviso, though we think we ought to have this and all the others besides. Even the omnibus bill was a failure, and it seemed probable that no legislation on the subject would be secured. Then came the elevation of Fillmore to
August (search for this): chapter 8
his message of December, 1837, informed Congress of his failure to adjust the American claims. The Texas Government had proposed annexation to our Government in August of that year, but Van Buren refused to entertain a proposition that was certain to involve us in a war with Mexico. This action of Texas aroused the country. Thto meet in Buffalo on August 9, and on July 31 the Tribune restated its objections to Taylor, and refused to come out for him until the Buffalo convention and the August elections made it certain that Taylor or Cass must be chosen. On June 27 a Taylor ratification meeting was held in New York city, which adopted the following amo it deemed the limitation of slavery to its present legal domain more imminent than any or all of them. It gave more attention to Irish than American politics in August and September; but the Whig hold on Greeley was a strong one, and at a meeting in Vauxhall on September 27 he confessed his belief that only by supporting Taylor
July 31st (search for this): chapter 5
I am poor as a church mouse and not half so saucy. I have had losses this week, and am perplexed and afflicted. But better luck must come. I am fishing for a partner. Certainly if ever an editor needed a good business partner Greeley did, and he was fortunate in finding one. Very soon after this note was written, Thomas McElrath surprised him with an offer to become his partner in the new enterprise, and this Greeley gladly accepted, and the announcement of the new firm was made on July 31. McElrath contributed $2,000 in cash as an equivalent for a half-interest. Not until this arrangement was made did Greeley consider the paper fairly on its feet. The new partner was a member of the firm of McElrath & Bangs, who kept a bookstore under the printing-office in which Greeley had set up the Testament, and his natural business tact and his experience supplied something in which the Tribune editor was always lacking. This partnership continued for more than ten years. Greeley h
July 31st (search for this): chapter 8
election would stimulate the war spirit, and set a bad example to young men. He did not place the ticket at the head of the Tribune's columns, but in a long editorial reviewed the situation, and said: We shall take time for reflection. If it shall appear to us that the support of General Taylor is the only course by which the election of Cass can be prevented, we shall feel bound to concur in that support. The Free-soil Democrats called a convention to meet in Buffalo on August 9, and on July 31 the Tribune restated its objections to Taylor, and refused to come out for him until the Buffalo convention and the August elections made it certain that Taylor or Cass must be chosen. On June 27 a Taylor ratification meeting was held in New York city, which adopted the following among other resolutions: Resolved, That we deprecate sectional issues in a national canvass, as dangerous to the Union and injurious to the public good; that we look with confidence to a Whig administration
July 20th (search for this): chapter 9
icers who were themselves without experience, save what some of them had been taught in the military school. But when a war begins, both sides are generally confident, and the desire of the public is for speedy action. It was so in 1861, and the Tribune soon gave voice to this desire by printing, day after day, on its editorial page, the following advice: The Nation's war-cry Forward to Richmond! Forward to Richmond! The rebel Congress must not be allowed to meet there on the twentieth of July! By that date the place must be held by the national army. When the advance was made, and the disaster of Bull Run followed, Greeley and the Tribune incurred what might be called a national denunciation. The battle of Bull Run, says Parton, nearly cost the editor of the Tribune his life. Mr. Greeley was almost beside himself with horror, to which was added, perhaps, some contrition for having permitted the paper to goad the Government into an advance which events showed to be e
July 18th (search for this): chapter 9
ter to the newspapers. In the newspaper discussion of the matter that followed, Greeley agreed with the Confederates that the President's safe-conduct abrogated the condition he had originally set forth, thus making a rude withdrawal of a courteous overture for negotiation at a moment it was likely to be accepted, and being an emphatic recall of words of peace just uttered, and fresh blasts of war to the bitter end. In the Tribune of August 5, 1864, he held that the President's letter of July 18 changed the situation entirely, but added, I am quite sure the mistake was not originally the President's, but that of some one or more of the gentlemen who are paid $8,000 a year from the Treasury for giving him bad advice; and from certain earmarks I infer that it had its initial impulse from the War Department. Lincoln, in his kindness of heart toward Greeley, proposed to the latter that, in view of the probable necessity of publishing their correspondence, parts of Greeley's letters,
July 10th (search for this): chapter 5
e of that week the paper had two thousand paid subscriptions, and this number increased at the rate of five hundred a week until a total of five thousand was reached on May 22, and the growth continued. Writing to Weed in June of that year, Greeley said: I am getting on as well as I know how with the Tribune, but not as well as I expected or wished, and he called the giving of the list of letters by the postmaster to Stone's paper, the unkindest cut of all. In a note to R. W. Griswold, on July 10, he said: I am poor as a church mouse and not half so saucy. I have had losses this week, and am perplexed and afflicted. But better luck must come. I am fishing for a partner. Certainly if ever an editor needed a good business partner Greeley did, and he was fortunate in finding one. Very soon after this note was written, Thomas McElrath surprised him with an offer to become his partner in the new enterprise, and this Greeley gladly accepted, and the announcement of the new firm wa
July 9th (search for this): chapter 10
hould not be supported for the Presidency, the reasons being his lack of courage, firmness, and consistency; his bad political associations (especially his alliance with Senator Fenton); his want of settled political convictions, except on the subject of the tariff, and the grossness of his manners. But to the candidate, and perhaps to his campaign managers, all this objection seemed trivial after his acceptance, on the Cincinnati platform, by the Democratic National Convention on the ninth of July. To one of his associate editors who announced to him his nomination by the Democratic convention he remarked, I shall carry every Southern State but South Carolina. That they will steal from me. Naturally, there was considerable apprehension on the part of the Republicans when the campaign opened. If Greeley could poll the Democratic vote, the addition of not a very large number of Republicans would secure for him several important States. In 1872 Maine held her State election in
July (search for this): chapter 7
he country, and even during the hard times of 1837-the tariff was only incidentally alluded to in the discussion of remedies; and until after the election of 1840 no aggressive steps were taken to change the law. But the approach of the date when the horizontal rate of 20 per cent would go into effect was causing uneasiness. The duty on rolled bar iron, for instance, which was 95 per cent (specific) in 1832, had dropped to 42.5 on January 1, 1842, and would drop to 20 per cent in the coming July. Moreover, the extra session of Congress which assembled in June, 1841, had to face a deficit of the revenues. As the Whigs were in control of both Houses they could make any change in the tariff on which they might agree, and to which the President would consent. Clay, their leader, quickly presented his program in the shape of a resolution setting forth the leading matters which should be acted upon, including, in order, the repeal of the Sub-treasury law, the incorporation of a United
July (search for this): chapter 8
irculation of 96,000 for its weekly, and of 130,000 for its total issues. How Horace Greeley led on his readers, step by step, to face the great issue, we may now learn from the words he addressed to them. When conducting the New Yorker, in 1834, Greeley, while believing slavery to be at the bottom of most of the evils which affect the communities of the South, accepted and defended the right to be let alone, as regards this question, for which the South was contending. His paper said in July of that year: The Union was formed with a perfect knowledge, on the one hand, that slavery existed in the South, and, on the other, it was utterly disapproved and discountenanced at the North. But the framers of the Constitution saw no reason for distrust and dissension in this circumstance. Wisely avoiding all discussion of a subject so delicate and exciting, they proceeded to the formation of a more perfect union, which, leaving each section in possession of its undoubted right of regula
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