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without previous organization, they were largely at sea both as regards the form of the platform and the candidate. Charles Francis Adams was the preference of the radical civil service and tariff reformers. Illinois was divided between Senator Trumbull and Judge David Davis, of the United States Supreme Court. A Labor Reform National Convention, at Columbus, Ohio, on February 21 (twelve States being represented), had nominated Judge Davis for President. He declined the nomination on June 28 on the ground that he had consented to the use of his name in the Liberal Republican Convention. Governor Brown was the favorite of most of the Missouri delegates, and Pennsylvania was ready to vote for Curtin. Horace Greeley was supported by sixty-six of the sixty-eight New York delegates. How to nominate him on a platform in line with the declarations of the Jefferson City platform was a problem even to his friends. The Missourians held that Brown was the logical leader of a movement w
June 27th (search for this): chapter 8
aid: We shall take time for reflection. If it shall appear to us that the support of General Taylor is the only course by which the election of Cass can be prevented, we shall feel bound to concur in that support. The Free-soil Democrats called a convention to meet in Buffalo on August 9, and on July 31 the Tribune restated its objections to Taylor, and refused to come out for him until the Buffalo convention and the August elections made it certain that Taylor or Cass must be chosen. On June 27 a Taylor ratification meeting was held in New York city, which adopted the following among other resolutions: Resolved, That we deprecate sectional issues in a national canvass, as dangerous to the Union and injurious to the public good; that we look with confidence to a Whig administration to remove all causes for such issues, and that we will countenance no faction of the Whig party, and no coalition with any faction out of it, which shall threaten to array one section of our commo
ity and kindheartedness than for the facility with which he is duped, and not more remarkable for his hatred of knavery than for the difficulty he has in telling whether a man is a knave or not. The New York Evening Post, A conference of Republicans opposed to Grant's administration and not satisfied with Greeley was held, at the invitation of Carl Schurz, J. D. Cox, William Cullen Bryant, Oswald Ottendorfer, David A. Wells, and J. Brinkerhoff, at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, in New York, on June 20, and William S. Groesbeck, of Ohio, was nominated for President, and Frederick Law Olmstead for Vice-President. But there the matter ended. Schurz later made speeches for Greeley. which would have supported Adams with enthusiasm, rejected Greeley with scorn, Mr. Bryant writing the editorial which stated Why Mr. Greeley should not be supported for the Presidency, the reasons being his lack of courage, firmness, and consistency; his bad political associations (especially his alliance with
June 12th (search for this): chapter 8
any Northern commingling of the questions of annexation and slavery for the present. In other words, Greeley as well as Clay would have been glad to keep the slavery question out of the pending campaign. But Tyler's Texas scheme so aroused the editor's indignation that no question of policy could quiet his abhorrence of the President, whose impeachment for moving troops to the Sabine he suggested. When warned of the effect of its opposition to annexation on the Whig ticket, the Tribune (June 12), while conceding that the annexation question would cause Clay to lose Louisiana, and make Georgia and Tennessee very close, replied, Nay, friends, we always say what we think when we speak at all. The slavery question was, however, commingled with Texas annexation, and Greeley was soon forced to recognize this, and to change his front. This he did in an editorial on August 31, in which he thus expressed himself: We see in this Texas iniquity, from its first secret and fraudulent i
xas, and, after the Texas Government had received from the United States' diplomatic agent an assurance that no power would be permitted by the United States to invade Texas territory because of such a treaty, an envoy from Texas was sent to Washington to complete the negotiations. Before his arrival Upshur had been killed by the explosion on the frigate Princeton; in March, 1844, Calhoun took his place; and on April 12 the treaty was signed and ten days later sent to the Senate, where, on June 8, it was defeated by a vote of sixteen yeas to thirty-five nays. Tyler at once, in a special message, urged the House to secure annexation by some other form of proceeding, but Congress adjourned without carrying out the scheme. The year 1844 was a presidential year, and the most probable candidates for the heads of the two tickets were Clay and Van Buren. Both of these leaders looked on the Texas question as a dangerous one, and two years earlier, when Van Buren visited Clay at Ashland,
orporation be empowered to issue notes to the amount of two-thirds the value of its completed enterprise, these notes to constitute a special lien on the work itself, taking precedence of all other claims. At the time of the suspension of payments by the New York city banks, in 1837, the New Yorker defended them warmly, charging the troubles to the Northwest, and on the day of the suspension it offered three-per-cent premium on every New York city bill mailed to our address before the first of June. Considering the editor's financial status at that time, this was a good deal like Daniel Webster's offer to pay the national debt. In February, 1838, as a means of obviating the necessity of both a National Bank and State banks, the New Yorker proposed the issue of $100,000,000 in Treasury notes, by the Federal Government, bearing one-per-cent interest, receivable for all dues, and redeemable in public lands at cash prices. The Subtreasury scheme it constantly opposed. From these ex
han five hundred subscribers in advance, but an edition of five thousand was printed, and of these, Greeley says, I nearly succeeded in giving away all of them that would not sell. The first week's receipts were only $92, with which to meet an outgo of $525; but by the close of that week the paper had two thousand paid subscriptions, and this number increased at the rate of five hundred a week until a total of five thousand was reached on May 22, and the growth continued. Writing to Weed in June of that year, Greeley said: I am getting on as well as I know how with the Tribune, but not as well as I expected or wished, and he called the giving of the list of letters by the postmaster to Stone's paper, the unkindest cut of all. In a note to R. W. Griswold, on July 10, he said: I am poor as a church mouse and not half so saucy. I have had losses this week, and am perplexed and afflicted. But better luck must come. I am fishing for a partner. Certainly if ever an editor needed a go
mended tariff revision, with a view to the substitution of discriminating for level rates, but without violating the spirit of the compromise of 1833. The Secretary of the Treasury, in his report, suggested that the condition of the finances would no longer permit a strict observance of that act. In the following March-just previous to his farewell to the Senate-Clay introduced resolutions favoring an increase to 30 per cent of the duties that would be reduced to 20 per cent in the following June, and at the same time a repeal of the law under which there was to be no distribution of the proceeds of land sales among the States so long as the tariff rate exceeded 20 per cent. The death of Harrison elevated to the presidency a man whom Greeley in later years characterized as an imbittered, implacable enemy of the party which had raised him from obscurity and neglect to the pinnacle of power. The Tribune gave Tyler faithful support in the early part of his administration, even taking
he ever saw my prayer, and that this was merely used by him as an opportunity, an occasion, an excuse, for setting his own altered position-changed not at his volition, but by circumstances-fairly before the country. Owen Lovejoy, writing to William Lloyd Garrison in February, 1864, about the reported influence which induced Lincoln to issue the emancipation proclamation, said: Now, the fact is this, as I had it from his own lips: He had written the proclamation in the summer, as early as June, I think-but will not be certain about the precise time-and called his Cabinet together and informed them he had written it and meant to make it, but wanted to read it to them for any criticism or remarks as to features or details. After having done so, Mr. Seward suggested whether it would not be well for him to withhold its publication until after we had gained some substantial advantage in the field, as at that time we had met with many reverses and it might be considered a cry of despair
masses of the people. The great heart of the country is sound. Thousands and millions of true men all over the North wait but the occasion for a practical demonstration of their power, to show how firm is their attachment to the principle of freedom, and how deeply they scorn the shallow fools who have the impertinence to talk about crushing out those principles. The Tribune fought the proposed legislation step by step, but in vain, and when the bill passed the House (after midnight on May 23), it said The revolution is accomplished, and slavery is king. How long shall this monarch reign? This is now the question for the Northern people to answer. . . . Conspiracy has done its worst. Treason has done its worst. Who comes to the rescue . . . Perhaps some such gigantic outrage upon the living sentiment of the North as the defeat of the Missouri compromise was necessary to arouse and consolidate the hosts of freedom in the free States. The Kansas-Nebraska question created a
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