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Browsing named entities in William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune.

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wn. Friends of the editor had secured for him less than five hundred subscribers in advance, but an edition of five thousand was printed, and of these, Greeley says, I nearly succeeded in giving away all of them that would not sell. The first week's receipts were only $92, with which to meet an outgo of $525; but by the close of that week the paper had two thousand paid subscriptions, and this number increased at the rate of five hundred a week until a total of five thousand was reached on May 22, and the growth continued. Writing to Weed in June of that year, Greeley said: I am getting on as well as I know how with the Tribune, but not as well as I expected or wished, and he called the giving of the list of letters by the postmaster to Stone's paper, the unkindest cut of all. In a note to R. W. Griswold, on July 10, he said: I am poor as a church mouse and not half so saucy. I have had losses this week, and am perplexed and afflicted. But better luck must come. I am fishing fo
ho asked him that evening, If the people elect a majority of Congressmen in favor of a repeal of the tariff bill, and Congress repeals that bill, what would be the duty of the next President of the United States? Greeley replied, It would be his duty to sign the bill passed by Congress. If you are elected President, again asked the reporter, will you sign such a bill if Congress passes it? Greeley replied, I certainly will. Greeley formally accepted the nomination in due order, and, on May 15, printed a card in the Tribune announcing that, from that date, he had withdrawn absolutely from the conduct of the Tribune and would henceforth, until further notice, exercise no control or supervision over its columns. Although Greeley and his personal followers did not realize it, the disintegration of the body that nominated him began with the declaration of the final ballot. This was indicated by the press comments. The Nation, which spoke for the supporters of the Liberal movement
but good all the time, you could hardly atone for the mischief you have done by that article on Benton. ... I write once more to entreat that I may be allowed to conduct the Tribune with reference to the mile wide that stretches either way from Pennsylvania Avenue. It is but a small space, and you have all the world besides. Indicating his zeal for exactness, and his quick detection of an error, he wrote: The Tribune of Monday says that the bank suspension took place in 1836. It was 1837 (May 10). Please correct in Weekly. Greeley was always easily approached, and the demands on his purse and influence were constant. He devoted a chapter of his autobiography to Beggars and Borrowers, but it gave no adequate idea of the money that such applicants obtained from him. He portrays many kinds of beggars — the chronic, the systematic, --and in summing up his experience says, I can not remember a single instance in which the promise to repay was made good. But he went on lending. To
to cooperate. Greeley was the second signer of this letter. The Tribune had said, on March 16, Of course, we shall ask to be counted out [of the Liberal movement] if the majority shall decide to make free trade a plank in their platform, and it explained on April 4, In signing the letter to Colonel Grosvenor, we simply indicated our approval of the Cincinnati movement, not of every phase embodied in that letter. The Liberal movement received encouragement in all the States, and on May 1 six hundred and fourteen delegates assembled in convention in Cincinnati. Meeting as they did without previous organization, they were largely at sea both as regards the form of the platform and the candidate. Charles Francis Adams was the preference of the radical civil service and tariff reformers. Illinois was divided between Senator Trumbull and Judge David Davis, of the United States Supreme Court. A Labor Reform National Convention, at Columbus, Ohio, on February 21 (twelve States be
s very correct view of editorial office-holding: If the administration has resolved that no individual shall be appointed to any office as a reward for any real or imaginary service to the Whig cause as a partizan editor, and that the holding of office under the Federal Government and the editing of a partizan newspaper at the same time are incompatible, we do not hesitate to say that it has made a wise and beneficent decision. By 1849 he had so far modified this view that he wrote (May 5): We trust editors will not come to regard office as a goal and recompense for their labors, but that they will not, on the other hand, be deemed ineligible by reason of their calling. Then he became ambitious to hold an office himself. To one who realizes the power that he possessed as an editor, it may seem strange that he should be willing to devote to public affairs any of the time that his editorial duties demanded, or that he should come to believe that a public office would add to
resented by forty-two delegates, and the supporters of Trumbull and Davis were stubbornly antagonistic. The anti-Adams feeling among some of these delegates was very strong, and they were quoted as saying, after the publication of his letter to Wells, that Grant would carry their State against Adams by 50,000 majority. As events proved, this feeling caused Adams's defeat. The convention organized with Senator Schurz in the chair. Two days were devoted to preliminary matters, and on Friday, May 3, the platform was adopted and the balloting for candidates took place. The platform, reported by Horace White, editor of the Chicago Tribune, opened with an address charging the Grant administration with corruption, and the President with using his official position for personal ends, keeping corrupt men in public places, and being unequal to the duties of his office, and declaring that a party thus led and controlled can no longer be of service to the best interests of the republic.
them to cooperate. Greeley was the second signer of this letter. The Tribune had said, on March 16, Of course, we shall ask to be counted out [of the Liberal movement] if the majority shall decide to make free trade a plank in their platform, and it explained on April 4, In signing the letter to Colonel Grosvenor, we simply indicated our approval of the Cincinnati movement, not of every phase embodied in that letter. The Liberal movement received encouragement in all the States, and on May 1 six hundred and fourteen delegates assembled in convention in Cincinnati. Meeting as they did without previous organization, they were largely at sea both as regards the form of the platform and the candidate. Charles Francis Adams was the preference of the radical civil service and tariff reformers. Illinois was divided between Senator Trumbull and Judge David Davis, of the United States Supreme Court. A Labor Reform National Convention, at Columbus, Ohio, on February 21 (twelve Stat
with any other committee, expresses its willingness to call a State convention of Liberal Republicans to take into consideration measures for the unity of the party. As an outcome of this action of the committee a call was issued for a State convention of Liberal Republicans, which was held in Jefferson City on January 24, 1872, with a representation from nearly every county. This convention, in turn, issued a call for a national convention, to be held in Cincinnati, on the first Monday in May next, to take such action as their convictions of duty and public exigencies may require. The platform adopted declared for universal amnesty and equal suffrage, tariff reform by the removal of such duties as, in addition to the yielded revenue, increase the price of domestic products for the benefit of favored interests, and civil service reform, and denounced the packing of the Supreme Court to relieve rich corporations, and the attempt to cure the Kuklux disorders, irreligion, or intempe
April 28th (search for this): chapter 10
work of the Philadelphia gathering [the National Republican Convention] useless. They are equally frank in their repugnance to Charles Francis Adams, whose letter is regarded as frivolous and undignified. He is accused of courting administration bounty by his careless, or as they term it, slighting allusion to the Liberal convention. It is claimed that Adams has lost the chance he had last week, through the earnest sympathy and support extended to him by the World and August Belmont. On April 28 its correspondent telegraphed, The loudest talking is for Davis, the strongest for Adams, the most boastful for Brown, while the friends of Trumbull and Cox counsel quietly. The next day its advices from the same source were, There is much talk about Horace Greeley, but his friends are not making any vehement contest for him. Their policy, so far as they can be said to have one, appears to be that of awaiting events; they believe their favorite to be the second choice, in a large measure,
April 26th (search for this): chapter 10
hdraw me out of that crowd. .... If the good people who meet at Cincinnati sincerely believe that they need such an anomalous being as I am (which I do not), they must express it in a manner to convince me of it, or all their labor will be thrown away. The Tribune was quick to make use of this letter. Its Cincinnati despatch the next day said that it had created a flutter; the Missouri and Kansas delegates say it ruins his [Adams's] prospects for the nomination here. Its despatch dated April 26 said that, according to a leading Pennsylvanian, the delegation from that State indicated a willingness to sustain Greeley, whose presence on the ticket should be a guaranty to the country of the dignity and power of the reform movement; he would, they argue, carry an overwhelming Republican vote, and render the work of the Philadelphia gathering [the National Republican Convention] useless. They are equally frank in their repugnance to Charles Francis Adams, whose letter is regarded as f
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