hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity (current method)
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in descending order. Sort in ascending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
Horace Greeley 888 2 Browse Search
Thurlow Weed 134 0 Browse Search
Zacheus Greeley 124 0 Browse Search
Henry Clay 120 0 Browse Search
William H. Seward 106 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 76 0 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln 68 0 Browse Search
Nicolay-Hay Lincoln 64 0 Browse Search
U. S. Grant 62 0 Browse Search
Charles Francis Adams 60 0 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune.

Found 2,930 total hits in 982 results.

... 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99
nce of New York business interests, 149-151, 161, 162; opposition to slavery in Congress, 151; Compromise of 1850, 151-163; reply to Calhoun, 154; on Webster's 7th of March speech, 158; abandons Wilmot proviso, 159; on fugitive slave law, 161-163; favors Scott's nomination, 163; on Kansas-Nebraska contest, 163, 165; early attitudeless support of Taylor, 148, 149,151 ; rebuke of New York business interests, 149, 161 ; on Van Buren-Adams ticket, 151; on campaign of 1850, 157; on Webster's 7th of March speech, 158; on Kansas-Nebraska question, 163-165; Virginia indictment of, 167; on Dred Scott decision and John Brown's raid, 168; advocacy of the Maine law, 1s ticket, 151. W. Walker, R. J., tariff views, 121. Webb, James Watson, on Greeley's dress, 11. Webster, Daniel, on Texas question, 138, 139, 141 ; 7th of March speech, 153-158. Weed, Thurlow, founding of the Albany Journal, 40; first meeting with Greeley, 42; the Jeffersonian, 43; Weed and Greeley contrasted, 44, 4
March 4th (search for this): chapter 9
s of the national cause, who wanted the war to break down, and the Government to be forced to make peace on the rebels' terms; that these men made their assaults under cover of hostility to the administration, and that the renomination of Mr. Lincoln will inevitably intensify their efforts, and rebarb their arrows. .. . We believe the rebellion would have lost something of its cohesion and venom from the hour in which it was known that a new President would surely be inaugurated on the fourth of March next; and that hostility in the loyal States to the national cause must have sensibly abated, or been deprived of its most dangerous weapons, from the moment that all were brought to realize that the President, having no more to expect or hope, could henceforth be influenced by no conceivable motive but a desire to serve and save his country, and thus win for himself an enviable and enduring fame. In the light of what we now know of Lincoln's part and Greeley's part in pushing the grea
he condition of the public credit, the Treasury found it difficult to secure. In his message at the opening of the regular session in the following December, President Tyler recommended tariff revision, with a view to the substitution of discriminating for level rates, but without violating the spirit of the compromise of 1833. The Secretary of the Treasury, in his report, suggested that the condition of the finances would no longer permit a strict observance of that act. In the following March-just previous to his farewell to the Senate-Clay introduced resolutions favoring an increase to 30 per cent of the duties that would be reduced to 20 per cent in the following June, and at the same time a repeal of the law under which there was to be no distribution of the proceeds of land sales among the States so long as the tariff rate exceeded 20 per cent. The death of Harrison elevated to the presidency a man whom Greeley in later years characterized as an imbittered, implacable enem
at Texas had been annexed as a State, and Sumner again led the opposition, selecting words that were especially irritating to the executive, and charging him with trying to remove three antitreaty members of the Committee on Foreign Relations. The publication of the Motley correspondence, in January, 1871, put an end to all cooperation between the State Department and the Committee on Foreign Relations. The Alabama High Joint Commission began its sessions in Washington in February, and in March, when the new Congress met, the Senate committee was reorganized, and, in accordance with the President's wishes, Sumner was dropped as chairman. From that time Sumner was an outspoken opponent of Grant's renomination, and so bitter a critic that he was persuaded by his friends to withhold from publication an arraignment of Grant which he prepared; he circulated it privately, however. Early in 1871 he offered in the Senate a resolution to amend the Federal Constitution so that a Presiden
February 27th (search for this): chapter 8
hose States to grasp for power was indicated, and its summing up (with its own italics) was as follows: Briefly, then, we stand on the ground of Opposition to the Annexation of Texas so long as a vestige of slavery shall remain within her borders. This marked the throwing down of the Tribune's gantlet to the slave power. The Texas annexation resolution passed the House on January 25, 1845 (with the aid of eight Southern Whig votes, twenty-seven Democrats voting nay), and the Senate on February 27 (three Whigs voting yea). The Tribune's comment was: The mischief is done, and we are now involved in war. We have adopted a war ready-made, and taken upon ourselves its prosecution to the end. It was not ready, however, to join the Abolitionists, and when a Western Whig journal proposed, in the following spring, that the party raise the standard of emancipation, it declared that, for itself, it should continue to act in good faith with all, North and South, who supported Whig principle
February 21st (search for this): chapter 10
States, and on May 1 six hundred and fourteen delegates assembled in convention in Cincinnati. Meeting as they did without previous organization, they were largely at sea both as regards the form of the platform and the candidate. Charles Francis Adams was the preference of the radical civil service and tariff reformers. Illinois was divided between Senator Trumbull and Judge David Davis, of the United States Supreme Court. A Labor Reform National Convention, at Columbus, Ohio, on February 21 (twelve States being represented), had nominated Judge Davis for President. He declined the nomination on June 28 on the ground that he had consented to the use of his name in the Liberal Republican Convention. Governor Brown was the favorite of most of the Missouri delegates, and Pennsylvania was ready to vote for Curtin. Horace Greeley was supported by sixty-six of the sixty-eight New York delegates. How to nominate him on a platform in line with the declarations of the Jefferson Cit
February 4th (search for this): chapter 6
street for two hours before him. When Henry Clay delivered an important speech on the Mexican War, in Lexington, Ky., on November 13, 1847, the Tribune's report of it was carried to Cincinnati by horse express, and thence transmitted by wire, appearing in the edition of November 15. During the Mexican War a pony express carried the news from New Orleans to Petersburg, Va., the nearest telegraph station, in this way delivering the New Orleans papers of March 29 at the telegraph office on February 4. The exploits of these expresses were described by the press all over the country, and all this gave the competing journals a big advertisement. I am inclined to think that what did as much as anything to widen Greeley's reputation, and to advertise his journal in its early days, was his devotion to isms. One of his laudators had insisted that he had only two of these, but that assumption did him an injustice. No other public teacher, to quote his own words, lives so wholly in the pr
February 1st (search for this): chapter 8
er at once, and on January 31 compared Clay's effort to secure peace to the man who rushed between a fighting husband and wife, and was whipped by both. No, it declared, we are not yet ready for compromise on either side. Thus far our side has lost by compromise, and gained by struggles. We know well that Mr. Clay's heart is right, and that his views are temperate and far-seeing. But their adoption by the North as its own, in the present state of the case, is quite another affair. On February 1 it added to this protest, To countermarch in the face of a determined and formidable foe is peril if not ruin. Our tower of strength and of safety is the Wilmot proviso. Let the Union be a thousand times shivered, it said two weeks later, rather than we should aid you to plant slavery on free soil. Greeley devoted a column on March 9 to the notable speech of Daniel Webster made two days previous. The following citations will show his spirit: At such a crisis as the present ther
t lost its character as a summer resort; and, five years later, the New Yorker, in an article setting forth the growth of the city, said, Her streets, lacking more direct appliances, have been sun-dried and rain-washed till they are passably, if hardly, respectable. This was the city on one of whose wharves an Albany boat landed Horace Greeley one summer morning. His equipment for a struggle for a living among entire strangers he has thus described: I was twenty years old the preceding February; tall, slender, pale, and plain; with ten dollars in my pocket, summer clothing worth perhaps as much more, nearly all on my back, and a decent knowledge of so much of the art of printing as a boy will usually learn in the office of a country newspaper. The Greeleys, for generations back, had not known affluence. Of Scotch-Irish stock, some of them had emigrated to America as early as 1640, and had fought the fight for a living as farmers or as blacksmiths. Horace's father Zaccheus was
ascertained. It seems to me a fitting time to announce to you the dissolution of the political firm of Seward, Weed, and Greeley, by the withdrawal of the junior partner, said withdrawal to take effect on the morning after the first Tuesday in February next (when Seward would be elected United States Senator). The letter, which was a long one, went over Greeley's first acquaintance with Weed, set forth his editorial labors up to the time of Harrison's election, and said: Now came the great scration was given to Raymond, and he [Greeley] made the fight. The letter closed by saying that the writer trusted that they should never be found in opposition; all I ask is that we shall be counted even on the morning after the first Tuesday in February, as aforesaid, and that I may thereafter take such course as seems best without reference to the past. Seward did not even inform Weed of the contents of this letter, and Weed was ignorant of them until its publication, after Raymond, in a l
... 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99