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Charleston (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. Mr. Lincoln's speech. Ladies and Gentlemen: It will be very difficult for an audience so large as this to hear distinctly what a speaker says, and consequently it is important that as profound silence be preserved as possible. While I was at the hotel to-day: an r? They tell me that my time is out, and therefore I close. Extract from Mr. Trumbull's speech made at Alton, referred to by Mr. Lincoln in his opening at Charleston. I come now to another extract from a speech of Mr. Douglas, made at Beardstown, and reported in the Missouri Republican. This extract has reference to a sta the House of Representatives to defeat the measure. Extract from Mr. Douglas's speech made at Jacksonville, and referred to by Mr. Lincoln in his opening at Charleston. I have been reminded by a friend behind me that there is another topic upon which there has been a desire expressed that I should speak. I am told that Mr.
Freeport (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
hunting me down, and they now have a negro traversing the northern counties of the State, and speaking in behalf of Lincoln. Lincoln knows that when we were at Freeport in joint discussion, there was a distinguished colored friend of his there then who was on the stump for him, and who made a speech there the night before we spoke, and another the night after, a short distance from Freeport, in favor of Lincoln, and in order to show how much interest the colored brethren felt in the success of their brother Abe, I have with me here, and would read it if it would not occupy too much of my time, a speech made by Fred Douglass in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., a shor. That is all I have to say about it. Judge Douglas has told me that he heard my speeches north and my speeches south — that he had heard me at Ottawa and at Freeport in the north, and recently at Jonesboro in the south, and there was a very different cast of sentiment in the speeches made at the different points. I will not
Alton (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
dge Trumbull spoke again before an audience at Alton, and upon that occasion not only repeated his aking up his time reading Trumbull's speech at Alton? I supposed that Mr. Lincoln was capable of maught-and his falsehood exposed-and he went to Alton, and, under the very walls of the penitentiary you that when Trumbull made that statement at Alton he knew it to be untrue. I read from Trumbullin the bill one way or the other on it. In his Alton speech he says there was a clause in the bill xecution of the act. Trumbull concealed in his Alton, speech the fact that the clause he quoted had Extract from Mr. Trumbull's speech made at Alton, referred to by Mr. Lincoln in his opening at t he made the same charge here that he made at Alton, that I had actually introduced and incorporatom voting upon their Constitution. I hold his Alton speech in my hand, and will read the amendmentte of the people. I will read what he said at Alton on that subject: This clause put it out[6 more...]
Mexico (Mexico) (search for this): chapter 11
to give such indorsement, and voted against it; but I never voted against the supplies for the army, and he knows, as well as Judge Douglas, that whenever a dollar was asked by way of compensation or otherwise, for the benefit of the soldiers, I gave all the votes that Ficklin or Douglas did, and perhaps more. Mr. Ficklin-My friends, I wish to say this in reference to the matter. Mr. Lincoln and myself are just as good personal friends as Judge Douglas and myself. In reference to this Mexican war, my recollection is that when Ashmun's resolution [amendment] was offered by Mr. Ashmun of Massachusetts, in which he declared that the Mexican war was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President-my recollection is that Mr. Lincoln voted for that resolution. Mr. Lincoln-That is the truth. Now you all remember that was a resolution censuring the President for the manner in which the war was begun. You know they have charged that I voted against the supplies, by
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
s in the month of August, he made a speech at Chicago, in which he made what may be called a chargeupon Judge Trumbull is, that when he spoke in Chicago he made his charge to rest upon the fact thatast, the first thing he did when he landed at Chicago was to make a speech wholly devoted to assaulort of his charge since he made his speech in Chicago. Let us see. The Chicago Times took up Trumb candidates. When I commenced the canvass at Chicago, I spoke of Mr. Lincoln in terms of kindness ass's friends. I witnessed an effort made at Chicago by Lincoln's then associates, and now support he knew it to be false when he uttered it at Chicago ; and yet he says he is going to cram the liecape it, the truth of every word I uttered at Chicago. You, fellow-citizens, are the judges to detches and establishes forever all I charged at Chicago, and more too? I propose now to furnish tll read them, as made by Mr. Trumbull, in his Chicago speech, in his own language. He says: [9 more...]
Sangamon (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
858. the free Democracy Did you ever before hear of this new party called the Free Democracy? What object have these Black Republicans in changing their name in every county? They have one name in the north, another in the center, and another in the South. When I used to practice law before my distinguished judicial friend, whom I recognize in the crowd before me, if a man was charged with horse-stealing and the proof showed that he went by one name in Stephenson county, another in Sangamon, a third in Monroe, and a fourth in Randolph, we thought that the fact of his changing his name so often to avoid detection, was pretty strong evidence of his guilt. I would like to know why it is that this great Freesoil Abolition party is not willing to avow the same name in all parts of the State? If this party believes that its course is just, why does it not avow the same principles in the North, and in the South, in the East and in the West, wherever the American flag waves over Ame
Minnesota (Minnesota, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
care very little about Judge Douglas one way or the other. It is his public acts with which I have to do, and if they condemn, disgrace and consign him to oblivion, he has only himself; not me, to blame. Now, the charge is that there was a plot entered into to have a Constitution formed for Kansas, and put in force, without giving the people an opportunity to pass upon it, and that Mr. Douglas was in the plot. This is as susceptible of proof by the record as is the fact that the State of Minnesota was admitted into the Union at the last session of Congress. On the 25th of June, 1856, a bill was pending in the United States Senate to authorize the people of Kansas to form a Constitution and come into the Union. On that day Mr. Toombs offered an amendment which he intended to propose to the bill which was ordered to be printed, and, with the original bill and other amendments, recommended to the Committee on Territories, of which Mr. Douglas was Chairman. This amendment of
Africa (search for this): chapter 11
te man, and that under Divine law, and if he believes so it was rational for him to advocate negro citizenship, which, when allowed, puts the negro on an equality under the law. I say to you in all frankness, gentlemen, that in my opinion a negro is not a citizen, cannot be, and ought not to be, under the Constitution of the United States. I will not even qualify my opinion to meet the declaration of one of the Judges of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, that a negro descended from African parents, who was imported into this country as a slave is not ,a citizen, and cannot be. I say that this Government was established on the white basis. It was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever, and never should be administered by any except white men. I declare that a negro ought not to be a citizen, whether his parents were imported into this country as slaves or not, or whether or not he was born here. It does not depend upon the place a negro'
Springfield (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
ncoln and Trumbull, as they have now. When, in October, 1884, I went down to Springfield to attend the State Fair, I found the leaders of this party all assembled toi-Nebraska meeting. It was Black Republicans up north, and anti-Nebraska at Springfield. I found Lovejoy, a high-priest of Abolitionism, and Lincoln, one of the leition party. They carried the Legislature in 1854, and when it assembled in Springfield they proceeded to elect a United States Senator, all voting for Lincoln withtoriously public facts which I have stated to you. Col. James H. Matheny, of Springfield, is, and for twenty years has been, the confidential personal and political u see these people are Black Republicans or Abolitionists up north, while at Springfield to-day, they dare not call their Convention Republican, but are obliged to sostile party against all men South? Mr. Lincoln tells you, in his speech at Springfield that a house divided against itself cannot stand ; that this Government, div
Van Buren, Ark. (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 11
took it for granted that the Constitution was to be submitted to the people, whether the bill was silent on the subject or not. Suppose I had reported it so, following the example of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison Monroe, Adams, Jackson, Van Buren, Harrison, Tyler, Polk, Taylor, Fillmore, and Pierce, would that fact have been evidence of a conspiracy to force a Constitution upon the people of Kansas against their will? If the charge which Mr. Lincoln makes be true against me, it is truesident, to the time of the then present Administration. I ask you, would that be evidence of a design to force a Constitution on a people against their will? If it were so, it would be evidence against Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, Van Buren, and every other President. But upon examination, it turns out that the Toombs bill never did contain a clause requiring the Constitution to be submitted. Hence no such clause was ever stricken out by me or any body else. It. is true, how
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