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Browsing named entities in a specific section of John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. Search the whole document.

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David G. Farragut (search for this): chapter 32
m upon which he was nominated, he coolly concluded: Believing that the views here expressed are those of the convention and the people you represent, I accept the nomination. His only possible chance of success lay, of course, in his war record. His position as a candidate on a platform of dishonorable peace would have been no less desperate than ridiculous. But the stars in their courses fought against the Democratic candidates. Even before the convention that nominated them, Farragut had won the splendid victory of Mobile Bay; during the very hours when the streets of Chicago were blazing with Democratic torches, Hood was preparing to evacuate Atlanta; and the same newspaper that printed Vallandigham's peace platform announced Sherman's entrance into the manufacturing metropolis of Georgia. The darkest hour had passed; dawn was at hand, and amid the thanksgivings of a grateful people, and the joyful salutes of great guns, the presidential campaign began. When the c
Philip H. Sheridan (search for this): chapter 32
the Union was never more firm nor more nearly unanimous than now. . . No candidate for any office whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he was for giving up the Union. There have been much impugning of motives and much heated controversy as to the proper means and best mode of advancing the Union cause; but on the distinct issue of Union or no Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair opportunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmness and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the national cause. On the day of election General McClellan resigned his commission in the army, and the place thus made vacant was filled by the appointment of General Philip H. Sheridan, a fit type and illustration of the turn in the tide of affairs, which was to sweep from that time rapidly onward to the great decisive national triumph.
J. B. Hood (search for this): chapter 32
le you represent, I accept the nomination. His only possible chance of success lay, of course, in his war record. His position as a candidate on a platform of dishonorable peace would have been no less desperate than ridiculous. But the stars in their courses fought against the Democratic candidates. Even before the convention that nominated them, Farragut had won the splendid victory of Mobile Bay; during the very hours when the streets of Chicago were blazing with Democratic torches, Hood was preparing to evacuate Atlanta; and the same newspaper that printed Vallandigham's peace platform announced Sherman's entrance into the manufacturing metropolis of Georgia. The darkest hour had passed; dawn was at hand, and amid the thanksgivings of a grateful people, and the joyful salutes of great guns, the presidential campaign began. When the country awoke to the true significance of the Chicago platform, the successes of Sherman excited the enthusiasm of the people, and the Union
Edwin M. Stanton (search for this): chapter 32
Constitution; all other questions to be settled in a convention of the people of all the States. Mr. Lincoln answered this patiently and courteously, framing, to give point to his argument, an experimental draft of instructions with which he proposed, in case such proffers were made, to send Mr. Raymond himself to the rebel authorities. On seeing these in black and white, Raymond, who had come to Washington to urge his project, readily agreed with the President and Secretaries Seward, Stanton, and Fessenden, that to carry it out would be worse than losing the presidential contest: it would be ignominiously surrendering it in advance. Nevertheless, wrote an inmate of the White House, the visit of himself and committee here did great good. They found the President and cabinet much better informed than themselves, and went home encouraged and cheered. The Democratic managers had called the national convention of their party to meet on the fourth of July, 1864; but after the
David Tod (search for this): chapter 32
eir official relations, since more than once, in the months of friction which preceded this culmination, he had used a threat to resign as means to carry some point in controversy. Mr. Lincoln, on accepting his resignation, sent the name of David Tod of Ohio to the Senate as his successor; but, receiving a telegram from Mr. Tod declining on the plea of ill health, substituted that of William Pitt Fessenden, chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, whose nomination was instantly confirmMr. Tod declining on the plea of ill health, substituted that of William Pitt Fessenden, chairman of the Senate Committee on Finance, whose nomination was instantly confirmed and commanded general approval. Horace Greeley, editor of the powerful New York Tribune, had become one of those patriots whose discouragement and discontent led them, during the summer of 1864, to give ready hospitality to any suggestions to end the war. In July he wrote to the President, forwarding the letter of one Wm. Cornell Jewett of Colorado, which announced the arrival in Canada of two ambassadors from Jefferson Davis with full powers to negotiate a peace. Mr. Greeley urged, in
Wade (search for this): chapter 32
ut among those already hostile to the President, and those whose devotion to the cause of freedom was so ardent as to make them look upon him as lukewarm, the exasperation which was already excited increased. The indignation of Mr. Davis and of Mr. Wade, who had called the bill up in the Senate, at seeing their work thus brought to nothing, could not be restrained; and together they signed and published in the New York Tribune of August 5 the most vigorous attack ever directed against the Presi rebel emissaries in Canada, being in thorough concert with the leading peace men of the North, redoubled their efforts to disturb the public tranquillity, and not without success. In the midst of these discouraging circumstances the manifesto of Wade and Davis had appeared to add its depressing influence to the general gloom. Mr. Lincoln realized to the full the tremendous issues of the campaign. Asked in August by a friend who noted his worn looks, if he could not go away for a fortnight
George B. McClellan (search for this): chapter 32
ndum meeting of Democratic national convention McClellan nominated his letter of acceptance Lincoln rennual message of December 6, 1864 resignation of McClellan from the army The seizure of the New York Journ But, Mr. President, his friend objected, General McClellan is in favor of crushing out this rebellion by forcthe platform. Both got what they desired. General McClellan was nominated on the first ballot, and Vallandns; but they were so intent upon the nomination of McClellan, that they considered the platform of secondary im, and put the seal of his sinister approval on General McClellan by moving that his nomination be made unanimou his letter as chairman of the committee to inform McClellan of his nomination, assured him that those for whome, and Kentucky, twenty-one in all, being cast for McClellan. In his annual message to Congress, which met on the national cause. On the day of election General McClellan resigned his commission in the army, and the p
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 32
upremacy of the Constitution; all other questions to be settled in a convention of the people of all the States. Mr. Lincoln answered this patiently and courteously, framing, to give point to his argument, an experimental draft of instructions with which he proposed, in case such proffers were made, to send Mr. Raymond himself to the rebel authorities. On seeing these in black and white, Raymond, who had come to Washington to urge his project, readily agreed with the President and Secretaries Seward, Stanton, and Fessenden, that to carry it out would be worse than losing the presidential contest: it would be ignominiously surrendering it in advance. Nevertheless, wrote an inmate of the White House, the visit of himself and committee here did great good. They found the President and cabinet much better informed than themselves, and went home encouraged and cheered. The Democratic managers had called the national convention of their party to meet on the fourth of July, 1864;
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 32
r 32. The bogus proclamation the Wade Davis manifesto resignation of Mr. Chase Fessen of malice, as the President. Henry Winter Davis at once moved that that part of the message beready excited increased. The indignation of Mr. Davis and of Mr. Wade, who had called the bill up arrival in Canada of two ambassadors from Jefferson Davis with full powers to negotiate a peace. Me, professing to have any proposition of Jefferson Davis in writing, for peace, embracing the restnt, or on any condition whatever . . . If Jefferson Davis wishes for himself, or for the benefit ofRichmond, and had an extended interview with Mr. Davis, during which they proposed to him a plan ofed in nothing but a renewed declaration from Mr. Davis that he would fight for separation to the bission in due form to make proffers of peace to Davis on the sole condition of acknowledging the supraging circumstances the manifesto of Wade and Davis had appeared to add its depressing influence t
Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 32
Chapter 32. The bogus proclamation the Wade Davis manifesto resignation of Mr. Chase Fessenden Succeeds him the Greeley peace conference Jaquess Gilmore mission letter of Raymond bad outlook for the election Mr. Lincoln the presidential campaign, and appealed more to individual critics of the President than to the mass of the people. Mr. Chase entered in his diary: The President pocketed the great bill . . . He did not venture to veto, and so put it in his pockssible reconstruction with slavery, which neither the President nor his chief advisers have, in my opinion, abandoned. Mr. Chase was no longer one of the chief advisers. After his withdrawal from his hopeless contest for the presidency, his sentimcal campaign. Several circumstances contributed to divide and discourage the administration party. The resignation of Mr. Chase had seemed to not a few leading Republicans a presage of disintegration in the government. Mr. Greeley's mission at Ni
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