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Robert E. Lee (search for this): chapter 37
of the conversation got out I never did know, but always had my suspicions. It was not very long after this before General Lee came to my room one night to talk upon this subject of peace. It was the last time I ever saw him, and our conversatith a melancholy air and tone which I shall never forget. Gen. Breckenridge came to me not long after this and repeated Lee's advice in so nearly the same words that I begun almost to suspect them of concert of action. I related to him the first transaction, as I had done to General Lee, and told him I saw no hope for peace unless the President would pledge himself to co-operate, which I hardly thought he would do. In this I may have been guilty of forgetting some high-sounding asseveratiothing, arms, medical stores, and all the necessary supplies in abundance for the war-enough, probably, to have enabled General Lee, with the troops which he handled with such consummate ability, to have conquered a peace upon fair terms. But those
A. Lincoln (search for this): chapter 37
nal friendship formerly existing between President Lincoln and Vice-Presi-,dent Stephens, the latteibility that would otherwise attach to us. (Mr. Lincoln came to Richmond just before his death, andhe assurance of one coming directly from President Lincoln which led to the appointment at that timssion was sent because of a message from AMr. Lincoln through Mr. Blair, and he thinks no true-hearf the Peace Commissioners (so-called) by President Lincoln on the notable occasion to which you refter addressed to Mr. Francis P. Blair by President Lincoln, wherein the latter consented to receive City. He had a copy of the letter from President Lincoln to Mr. Blair. With General Grant he camquence of his intercourse he telegraphed President Lincoln favorably in respect to the Conference, to the Congress of the United States by President Lincoln in February, 1865. By a reference to thosed were more or less settled upon. President Lincoln disclaimed all knowledge of any such pro[7 more...]
er responsible to me. But when Mr. Davis knew the state of destitution into which we had fallen, if he had possessed this abiding; love of peace since the adoption of the permanent government, is it not strange that he would do nothing to secure it by accommodation, except what was done in the abortive effort at Old Point? Did I give any just cause of offence in pressing on him a different view of his duties? And yet I seem to have done it, judging by his conduct towards me since. General Wigfall, that erratic child of genius and misfortune, used sometimes to say that he almost thought at times that Mr. Barnwell and myself would be nearly as responsible for the failure which was coming on the country through the maladministration of Mr. Davis as he himself, for we sustained him in all that he did. It was true that we supported him to the best of our ability, for, placed at the head of the Government, we believed that it was of vital importance to uphold him. It seems from his co
John A. Campbell (search for this): chapter 37
securing an interview. Mr. Davis denies that they did so; but I doubt not but that my colleagues, Messrs. Stephens and Campbell, will confirm my statements. Mr. Davis asserts that we were instructed to confer at Washington. Whether he means thery low in point of resources; but the extent of our destitution I did not understand, until on our way to City Point Judge Campbell gave me the substance of his recent letter to Mr. Breckenridge on that subject, stating our utter destitution. I neve enemy. To the world without we were hermetically sealed by the blockade; and within the Confederacy, the letter of Judge Campbell, assistant secretary of war, represented our supplies of clothes, food, and arms as nearly, if not entirely exhausted States and the abandonment of resistance to it. I confess that these answers did not surprise me, and that any other would have filled me with amazement. Very truly, your friend, John A. Campbell. Hon . R. M. T. Hunter, Richmond, Va.
nd our passport, if I may so call it, and had to apply to Washington City. While awaiting instructions, and within two or three days after our departure General Grant allowed us to go to City Point, his headquarters. Within two days or more Colonel Eckert, an officer of the United States, arrived at City Point from Washington City. He had a copy of the letter from President Lincoln to Mr. Blair. With General Grant he came to us, and enquired whether we accepted the conditions of the letter eace was desirable and desired, and that the information sought was how peace was to be had. I remember our friend Mr. Stephens suggested that neither note was accurate, for that thirty-six countries (States) were involved. General Grant and Colonel Eckert retired and conferred, and were most emphatic in their refusal after this information. We addressed one, and perhaps more letters, to those officers, to change the resolution so that the expedition might not be wholly abortive, but without r
aves had been resorted to in the beginning of the war for service in the engineer corps, and as teamsters and laborers, it might have been judicious. Their employment since 1862 has been difficult, and latterly almost impracticable. The attempt to collect 20,000 has been obstructed and nearly abortive. The enemy have raised almost as many from the fugitives occasioned by the draft as ourselves from its execution. General Holmes reports 1,500 fugitives in one week from North Carolina. Colonel Blount reported a desertion of 1,210 last summer in Mobile; and Governor Clarke of Mississippi entreats the suspension of a call for them in that state. As a practicable measure I cannot see how a slave force can be collected, armed, and equipped at the present time. I find in an abstract of some remarks I made on this bill in March, 1865, reported in the Examinor, that I said: The commandant of conscripts, with authority to impress twenty thousand slaves between last September and the presen
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 37
ur last issue I observe a letter from the Hon. Jefferson Davis, from which it appears that he takes enough, it is true; but did any one, even President Davis, sup-,pose that such terms would be accepmade difficulties in securing an interview. Mr. Davis denies that they did so; but I doubt not butthe country through the maladministration of Mr. Davis as he himself, for we sustained him in all t to the hardships and sufferings of war, and Mr. Davis much mistakes a mother's heart if he supposema. To the passage of such a bill as this Mr. Davis says my opposition was a chief obstacle. Th it seems I was not so far wrong when I said Mr. Davis' desire for peace, great as it was, began abe command to defend and protect them. If Mr. Davis says he had a strong desire for peace from trespectfully, R. M. T. Hunter. note.-Mr. Davis says, in his letter: The truth is that the pd been a discussion and a difference between Mr. Davis and Mr. Benjamin on the subject, and it had [16 more...]
ferent from what he seems to suppose. When these involuntary Curtii had been devoted to the infernal gods and the massacre of the innocents had been accomplished, the parents of those children would not have characterized his policy as either valiant or patriotic, but would have spoken of it in terms very far from complimentary. It would have been said that, if the country required the sacrifice of a military victim, the President himself, by age and station, would have played the part of Curtius far better and should have himself become the victim, and yet in no history of his flight from Richmond to the woods in Georgia where he was captured have 1 seen it stated that his head was once turned towards the enemy with that purpose. Nor do I blame him. Voluntary self-sacrifice is neither called for nor proper in any case. It would then have been nearly as insensate as the wanton sacrifice of the children under circumstances when they could do no service, but must have perished eithe
Alexander H. Stephens (search for this): chapter 37
y existing between President Lincoln and Vice-Presi-,dent Stephens, the latter was sent to seek an interview with Mr. Lincol such terms would be accepted at that time? As to Vice-President Stephens' mission being an offer for settlement and peace o they did so; but I doubt not but that my colleagues, Messrs. Stephens and Campbell, will confirm my statements. Mr. DavI refer you for details. Yours very truly, Alexander H. Stephens. 169 St. Paul street, Baltimore, 31st October, 18n so settled. We left the morning after, and I gave to Mr. Stephens and to yourself the papers on the way to Petersburg. ught was how peace was to be had. I remember our friend Mr. Stephens suggested that neither note was accurate, for that thirg General Grant visited the Commissioners, and sat with Mr. Stephens and yourself for some time. I was sick and not presente seen. I speak only from memory. At Hampton Roads Mr. Stephens, with clearness and precision, stated the conditions we
ng but the necessity of self-defence would induce me to engage in such a dispute, and the responsibility, in my opinion, rests not upon me, but upon him who made the attack. Very respectfully, R. M. T. Hunter. note.-Mr. Davis says, in his letter: The truth is that the phraseology of the instructions constituted no embarrassment to them at all. This he asserts positively, in opposition to my statement to the contrary, about a matter of which he had no personal knowledge. Hear Mr. Stephons and Judge Campbell in corroboration of my statement. These gentlemen and myself were the only Confederates who had any personal knowledge of what happened at the Conference. A comparison of his statement with theirs, I think, will not much help his character for historical accuracy. House of Representatives, Washington, D. C., 3d November, 1877. Hon. Robert M. T. Hunter, Richmond, Va.: my dear Sir: Your letter of a few days ago was duly received. I think you were entirely correct i
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