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Browsing named entities in Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 5. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones).

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J. A. Early (search for this): chapter 1.1
smayed, their souls elate with noble aspirations and aflame with love of country, the soldiers and people of the Confederate States are at home again, welcomed to the honored abode of their fathers by the heroes who fought them in war, honored them in victory, and love them in peace. General Morgan was frequently interrupted with rapturous applause, and the thanks of the Society were warmly voted to the orator for his able and eloquent address, and a copy requested for publication. General Early paid a brief but touchinly-appropriate tribute to the memory of Admiral Raphael Semmes, late Vice-President of the Society for the State of Alabama, and, on motion of General Dabney H. Maury, the following minute was unanimously adopted: The death of Admiral Raphael Semmes, the Vice-President of this Society for the State ot Alabama, having occurred since the last annual meeting, the Sciety takes this occasion to express its high admiration for the exalted character, eminent abilities
ch larger), we will have no difficulty in meeting all of our expenses. But we are in pressing need of means to enable us to adequately prosecute our great work, and we know not how a lover of the truth of history can better employ funds than by contributing them to the use of the Southern Historical Society. In conclusion, we would express our growing sense of the importance of collecting now, the material for a true history of our great struggle for Constitutional freedom, and we earnestly appeal to all who can add anything of value to our collection, to do so at once. By order of the Executive Committee. Dabney H. Maury, Chairman. J. Wm. Jones, Secretary. The report was unanimously adopted. The President then announced the selection of General E. W. Pettus, of Selma, as Vice-Pesident for Alabama; and Col. Thos. H. Carter, of King William county, Va., formerly Chief of Artillery of Rodes' Division, A. N. V., as a member of the Executive Committee to fill a vacancy.
William Preston Johnston (search for this): chapter 1.1
and as to each other, as beligerents, or in any respect as powers foreign to the Government of the United States. The treaty, if it may be called such, was made by terms of capitulation between the two armies in the field, and was ratified in the parole of every Confederate soldier. Thus the most sacred of all the engagements of public faith was made a matter of personal agreement between the Government of the United States and the soldiers of the Confederacy. When General Lee and General Johnston surrendered their armies they did not consent to impose upon them conditions of civil inferiority when they should return to their homes. They would never have surrendered upon such terms. Never was the honor of a country more bound up in any treaty, and never was public faith more unjustly disregarded, than it was when the government that received these paroles afterwards disregarded them. The Congress of the United States, under its power to make war, and with the army under it
itude in expressing their cordial response. They do not despise the weak nor worship the powerful. They do not believe that the moral worth of five millions of Americans has been settled against their pretensions to virtuous and patriotic love of country, and against their right to be esteemed as worthy of respect and confidence, by the fact that they fought four years and did not resist successfully thirty millions of Americans. They do not believe that only those are worthy of trust who belonged to the victorious power. With supporters like these, the country need not fear that peace and reconciliation will not abide in the land. I turn now to thoghts or of the rights of others who is incapable of feeling a wrong, and unwilling to redress it. But we turn with confidence to a still higher plane on which Americans can meet and unite in making the future of our country as happy, as the past has been unhappy. All causes of sectional strife are removed. There remains no jus
gitating the country. Many compromises were devised by generous and patriotic men, who set high examples of personal sacrifice before the people, but their counsels were rejected. Compromise was as fuel to the flame. Advice and warning were lost on the people. Within a few years before the war America was, in rapid succession, bereft of the three men who have added to her fame the chief glory of the 19th century. Twenty centuries may not produce the equal of either Clay, Webster, or Calhoun. They had all, through lives of long public service, participated in the great discussions which involved every phase of this question of slavery, and had weighed all considerations affecting it in any degree. They did not in all things agree; in one they did, that slavery was under the express protection of the Constitution of the United States. In another matter, they also agreed. As death summoned each of them to his departure from earth, he turned his thoughts to his country. In th
roposed. They never resulted from natural causes, such as give rise to the quarrels of different nations or races of men, except so far as they related to African slavery. They only became sectional when the measures which excited the discussion happened to affect a particular section of the country. In 1812 to 1815 some of the States of the North strongly threatened to secede from the Union, which then implied a desire to return to their former allegiance to the British Crown. In 1830 to 1832 there was manifested an almost fatal purpose in some of the States to assert the right to remain in the Union and set at defiance some of the laws which, though constitutional in form, were alleged to be locally oppressive. In 1861, the question of slavery furnished the occasion or provocation under which this ancient quarrel culminated in open war. While the question thus presented involved great political issues, it also included the dangerous element of race antagonism and race supremac
U. S. Senator (search for this): chapter 1.1
al Society, October 31st., 1877. The following splendid oration treats mainly of post bellum history; but this is a period of great importance as exhibiting the fruits of the doctrines of the Federal war-party. The distinguished orator has given a picture of the violation of the peace of ‘65, and the war upon the Constitution made by the Radical party, which should be widely read, and most carefully preserved as material for the future historian. Address of General John T. Morgan, U. S. Senator from Alabama. The efforts of the Southern Historical Society have been most appropriately directed to the collection of facts relating to the period of actual and open war from 1861 to 1865. That field is yet but slightly gleaned, and it is indispensable that this generation of Southern men should gather all its sad truths and preserve them until a later period, when, in a cloudless atmostphere, the patient and impartial philosopher shall be able to place facts and deductions side
were then agitating the country. Many compromises were devised by generous and patriotic men, who set high examples of personal sacrifice before the people, but their counsels were rejected. Compromise was as fuel to the flame. Advice and warning were lost on the people. Within a few years before the war America was, in rapid succession, bereft of the three men who have added to her fame the chief glory of the 19th century. Twenty centuries may not produce the equal of either Clay, Webster, or Calhoun. They had all, through lives of long public service, participated in the great discussions which involved every phase of this question of slavery, and had weighed all considerations affecting it in any degree. They did not in all things agree; in one they did, that slavery was under the express protection of the Constitution of the United States. In another matter, they also agreed. As death summoned each of them to his departure from earth, he turned his thoughts to his cou
J. William Jones (search for this): chapter 1.1
ch larger), we will have no difficulty in meeting all of our expenses. But we are in pressing need of means to enable us to adequately prosecute our great work, and we know not how a lover of the truth of history can better employ funds than by contributing them to the use of the Southern Historical Society. In conclusion, we would express our growing sense of the importance of collecting now, the material for a true history of our great struggle for Constitutional freedom, and we earnestly appeal to all who can add anything of value to our collection, to do so at once. By order of the Executive Committee. Dabney H. Maury, Chairman. J. Wm. Jones, Secretary. The report was unanimously adopted. The President then announced the selection of General E. W. Pettus, of Selma, as Vice-Pesident for Alabama; and Col. Thos. H. Carter, of King William county, Va., formerly Chief of Artillery of Rodes' Division, A. N. V., as a member of the Executive Committee to fill a vacancy.
ast, as they seem to furnish also the most certain indications of the future of our country. The causes that have made it necessary to compile a separate history of the Southern States had their origin in differences of opinion reaching back to 1787. These differences seem to have ended in 1877. They were always political-relating to constructions of the Constitution as applied to different measures that have been proposed. They never resulted from natural causes, such as give rise to the n this great matter of the Presidential election, the Democrats of the South and the whole country felt that they had been victimized and betrayed by a false confidence reposed in the most important tribunal which has existed in this country since 1787; and while millions of them believed, and still believe, that its judgment was a mere expression of partisan injustice, yet that judgment stood for law and admitted of no appeal, and they obeyed it. They consented to look to their lawful power to
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