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February 6th (search for this): chapter 17
urteenth Amendment without the obnoxious reference to a distinction in color, which the framers of the constitution took such pains to avoid. The joint resolution — with the clause, that, whenever the elective franchise shall be denied or abridged in any State, on account of race or color, all persons therein of such race or color shall be excluded from the basis of representation --had passed the House by a large majority, and was favorably entertained by the Senate, when Mr. Sumner, on the 6th and 7th of February, and on the 7th and 9th of March, 1866, in speeches characterized by cogent reasoning and historical illustration, unfolded the iniquity of the compromise, and emphatically denounced this effort to admit the idea of inequality and disfranchisement on account of color, into the constitution. After generations have passed, surrounded by the light of Christian truth, and in the very blaze of human freedom, said he, it is proposed to admit into the constitution the twin ide
hen Mr. Covode introduced into the house the resolution of impeachment. While Mr. Stanton was remaining in suspense concerning his own course of action, Mr. Sumner sent to him this epigrammatic letter, which in point of brevity surpasses even Caesar's celebrated Veni, vidi, vici. Senate Chamber, 21st February, 1868. Stick. Ever sincerely yours, Charles Sumner. Hon. E. M. Stanton. On the acquittal of the president in May following, Mr. Stanton resigned his office. On the 11th of July Mr. Sumner spoke at length against the president's scheme of repudiation, and in favor of completing reconstruction through public faith and specie payment. The word of our nation, said he, must be as good as its bond. He strongly urged economy; and, on the principle that State affairs should be conducted on the line of uncompromising and eternal justice, said,-- I call your attention to three things in which all others centre. The first is the public faith; the second is the public
May 10th, 1873 AD (search for this): chapter 17
The summer was spent in revising his speeches for the press, and in making preparations for the coming conflict in the re-establishment of order in the Southern States. On the twenty-seventh day of October he was united in marriage, by the Right Rev. Bishop Manton Eastburn, with Mrs. Alice (Mason) Hooper, the widow of Mr. William Sturgis Hooper, and daughter of Mr. Jonathan Mason of Boston. This alliance, owing to disparity of age and taste, was infelicitous; and a divorce was decreed May 10, 1873, by Judge Holt of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. By this circumstance the friendly relations between Mr. Sumner and the Hon. Samuel Hooper, father-in-law of Mrs. Sumner, were in no respect disturbed. In regard to naming children after great men, Mr. Sumner wrote this pleasant and sensible letter to a father in New York who proposed to call his son Charles Sumner:-- My dear----,--Don't make a mistake. Never name a child after a living man. This is the counsel I give always
m, appointing Gen. Lorenzo Thomas in his place ad interim, when Mr. Covode introduced into the house the resolution of impeachment. While Mr. Stanton was remaining in suspense concerning his own course of action, Mr. Sumner sent to him this epigrammatic letter, which in point of brevity surpasses even Caesar's celebrated Veni, vidi, vici. Senate Chamber, 21st February, 1868. Stick. Ever sincerely yours, Charles Sumner. Hon. E. M. Stanton. On the acquittal of the president in May following, Mr. Stanton resigned his office. On the 11th of July Mr. Sumner spoke at length against the president's scheme of repudiation, and in favor of completing reconstruction through public faith and specie payment. The word of our nation, said he, must be as good as its bond. He strongly urged economy; and, on the principle that State affairs should be conducted on the line of uncompromising and eternal justice, said,-- I call your attention to three things in which all others cen
ge which the Union arms had won to the upraising of the colored people. He intended that every drop of American blood that was shed should surely be consecrated to human freedom; and he soon had the satisfaction to see his long and perilous efforts realized in the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, sweeping the baneful and degrading system of slavery away, and bringing a long and heavily oppressed people to enjoy the right of the elective franchise. In June of this year (1866) Mr. Sumner came home to stand by the bedside and receive the parting benediction of his dying mother. She had attained the age of more than fourscore years, and had experienced many trials and afflictions, which she bore with womanly fortitude, and retained something of earlier grace and beauty to the last. She was tall and stately, said one who knew her well, with the oldschool dignity of manner; and, if thought distant, you soon forgot, in her genial friendliness and e
December 18th, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 17
urged with great persistency the passage of the constitutional amendments, and readily accepted any temporary measures that promised to afford security to the colored race until these additions to the organic law should be adopted by the people. He maintained, that, by the constitution itself, the very preamble of which declares that all men are born equal, slavery is abolished; yet, under the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln and the Thirteenth Amendment (adopted, after many earnest debates, Dec. 18, 1865), the South still clung with strange tenacity to its long-cherished institution: so deeply had its roots intwined themselves around the heart of social life. To render the redemption of the captive perfect, Mr. Sumner threw himself, with the full intensity of his deep convictions, into every question which concerned the welfare of the freedman. On the 20th of December, 1865, he made an earnest speech on the Equality Bill of Mr. Wilson, which was to maintain the freedom of the inhabitan
March 27th, 1871 AD (search for this): chapter 17
ctorious. To accomplish this, we must all be just, charitable, and forgiving. Very truly, Henry Wilson. In February, 1871, Mr. Sumner was supplanted as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs by Simon Cameron. He had long fulfilled the duties attendant on this position with distinguished ability; and no man in this country was better acquainted with foreign affairs, or held in higher consideration by foreign courts. But he and the president were at variance. On the 27th of March, 1871, he again spoke on the San-Domingo treaty. On evidence before the Senate, said he, it is plain that the navy of the United States, acting under orders from Washington, has been engaged in measures of violence, and of belligerent intervention, being war without the authority of Congress. An act of war without the authority of Congress is no common event. This is the simplest statement of the case. The whole business is aggravated when it is considered that the declared object of t
December 20th, 1865 AD (search for this): chapter 17
lished; yet, under the proclamation of Mr. Lincoln and the Thirteenth Amendment (adopted, after many earnest debates, Dec. 18, 1865), the South still clung with strange tenacity to its long-cherished institution: so deeply had its roots intwined themselves around the heart of social life. To render the redemption of the captive perfect, Mr. Sumner threw himself, with the full intensity of his deep convictions, into every question which concerned the welfare of the freedman. On the 20th of December, 1865, he made an earnest speech on the Equality Bill of Mr. Wilson, which was to maintain the freedom of the inhabitants in the States declared in insurrection and rebellion by the proclamation of the president of July 1, 1862. He said, When I think of what occurred yesterday in this chamber; when I call to mind the attempt to whitewash the unhappy condition of the rebel States, and to throw the mantle of official oblivion over sickening and heart-rending outrages, where human rights are
arms had won to the upraising of the colored people. He intended that every drop of American blood that was shed should surely be consecrated to human freedom; and he soon had the satisfaction to see his long and perilous efforts realized in the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution, sweeping the baneful and degrading system of slavery away, and bringing a long and heavily oppressed people to enjoy the right of the elective franchise. In June of this year (1866) Mr. Sumner came home to stand by the bedside and receive the parting benediction of his dying mother. She had attained the age of more than fourscore years, and had experienced many trials and afflictions, which she bore with womanly fortitude, and retained something of earlier grace and beauty to the last. She was tall and stately, said one who knew her well, with the oldschool dignity of manner; and, if thought distant, you soon forgot, in her genial friendliness and evident superiority
January 14th, 1868 AD (search for this): chapter 17
of E. M. Stanton, the indefatigable secretary of war, when measures were instituted for his impeachment. In these proceedings Mr. Sumner, always vigilant lest the rights of the Senate should be invaded, actively participated. He prepared several elaborate papers on the guilt or innocence of the president, and made the point that the chief-justice had no right to vote in the trial. Mr. Sumner voted on almost every count against the president. Mr. Stanton was re-instated by the Senate Jan. 14, 1868, under the Tenure-of-Office Bill (passed March 2, 1867, over Mr. Johnson's veto). The president, however, soon again removed him, appointing Gen. Lorenzo Thomas in his place ad interim, when Mr. Covode introduced into the house the resolution of impeachment. While Mr. Stanton was remaining in suspense concerning his own course of action, Mr. Sumner sent to him this epigrammatic letter, which in point of brevity surpasses even Caesar's celebrated Veni, vidi, vici. Senate Chamber, 2
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