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up in arms; Chicago and Philadelphia are up in arms; St. Louis and Cincinnati are up in arms. Caesarism is answered by a White Revival. Eloquent words are ringing through the air; Republicans joining voices with Democrats in denouncing the policy of President Grant. The venerable Bryant leads the way in New York; the liberal Adams is the spokesman of Massachusetts. Evarts lends his name to what is little less than an impeachment of the President and his Cabinet. These practices, cries Bryant, must be denounced, must be stopped, must be broken up for ever! What right, asks Adams, have soldiers of the United States to determine who shall sit in the Legislature of a State? Evarts brings the matter home: Here we have a national gensdarmerie instead of a civil police! The Legislature of Louisiana is as much a part of our Government as the Legislature of New York. Men who have never before this moment mixed in politics, leave their books and join these enemies of President Gran
Caesar C. Antoine (search for this): chapter 11
have a national gensdarmerie instead of a civil police! The Legislature of Louisiana is as much a part of our Government as the Legislature of New York. Men who have never before this moment mixed in politics, leave their books and join these enemies of President Grant. Here is an act done in a time of peace, says Curtis, so dangerous to all civil freedom, so bold and reckless a violation of law, that men who have condoned everything else are compelled to speak out. Kellogg and Packard, Antoine. and Pinchback, are forgotten in the fury now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he means to deal with matters; for the reports of Foster, Phe
l gensdarmerie instead of a civil police! The Legislature of Louisiana is as much a part of our Government as the Legislature of New York. Men who have never before this moment mixed in politics, leave their books and join these enemies of President Grant. Here is an act done in a time of peace, says Curtis, so dangerous to all civil freedom, so bold and reckless a violation of law, that men who have condoned everything else are compelled to speak out. Kellogg and Packard, Antoine. and Pinchback, are forgotten in the fury now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he means to deal with matters; for the reports of Foster, Phelps, and Potter
knows what else may fall? The Governors of powerful States are talking in an ominous way. A State has disappeared, says Governor Alien to the people of Ohio; a sovereign State of this Union has no existence this night. A sovereign State! The President thinks he put an end to all that babble about sovereign States on the battle field, and here, in one of the rich and populous northern cities, the Governor of a great State is talking of Louisiana as a sovereign member of the Union. Governor Tilden, of New York, is still more menacing and emphatic: For similar acts our English ancestors sent the first Charles to the scaffold and expelled the second James from the throne. Louisiana is not more conscious than Ohio and New York that the day is big with fate. The policy of ruling by the sword has reached a turning-point. To-night will see this policy either make a step or fall back many steps. If Caesar rises, the Republic sinks. On what a thread the issue seems to hang! Whi
ve lost so much, they are afraid of risking more. By secrecy and silence on the Caesarian question of a third term, the President lost them many thousands of supporters in the North, and now, by his unhappy interference with the Legislature of New Orleans, the South is gone. The Senators fear to face new trials. Are they to go further in a course for which Radicals like Foster and Phelps cannot say a word? High office has no effect in softening censure of the President's course. General Sherman takes no pains to hide his views. Vice-President Wilson opposes his official superior, and some of the leading journals are demanding that Grant shall retire from the White House, leaving his powers in Wilson's hands. More than all else, Hamilton Fish declares that if the President sustains Sheridan and justifies Durell and Packard, he will resign his post as Secretary of State. This menace tells. Fish is not only the ablest man in Grant's Cabinet, but one of the ablest men in Ameri
inchback, are forgotten in the fury now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he means to deal with matters; for the reports of Foster, Phelps, and Potter to Congress, clearing the White citizens of New Orleans, and charging disorder in the South on the military party, have created a profound excitement. When such party men as Foster and Phelps can find no word to say for their political friends, the cause is lost; yet President Grant was minded to go on, assume the burthen of events, and leave Sheridan free to take his course. He framed a Message to Congress in this sense. But beyond the War Office, where his adjutants fumed and smoked,
roken up for ever! What right, asks Adams, have soldiers of the United States to determine who shall sit in the Legislature of a State? Evarts brings the matter home: Here we have a national gensdarmerie instead of a civil police! The Legislature of Louisiana is as much a part of our Government as the Legislature of New York. Men who have never before this moment mixed in politics, leave their books and join these enemies of President Grant. Here is an act done in a time of peace, says Curtis, so dangerous to all civil freedom, so bold and reckless a violation of law, that men who have condoned everything else are compelled to speak out. Kellogg and Packard, Antoine. and Pinchback, are forgotten in the fury now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President s
y now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he means to deal with matters; for the reports of Foster, Phelps, and Potter to Congress, clearing the White citizens of New Orleans, and charging disorder in the South on the military party, have created a profound excitement. When such party men as Foster and Phelps can find no word to say for their political friends, the cause is lost; yet President Grant was minded to go on, assume the burthen of events, and leave Sheridan free to take his course. He framed a Message to Congress in this sense. But beyond the War Office, where his adjutants fumed and smoked, he found few backers. Senators
new trials. Are they to go further in a course for which Radicals like Foster and Phelps cannot say a word? High office has no effect in softening censure of the President's course. General Sherman takes no pains to hide his views. Vice-President Wilson opposes his official superior, and some of the leading journals are demanding that Grant shall retire from the White House, leaving his powers in Wilson's hands. More than all else, Hamilton Fish declares that if the President sustains SWilson's hands. More than all else, Hamilton Fish declares that if the President sustains Sheridan and justifies Durell and Packard, he will resign his post as Secretary of State. This menace tells. Fish is not only the ablest man in Grant's Cabinet, but one of the ablest men in America. Bristow, Secretary of the Treasury, takes the same line as Fish. Without these gentlemen, the President's Cabinet could not stand a week; and if his Cabinet falls, who knows what else may fall? The Governors of powerful States are talking in an ominous way. A State has disappeared, says Governo
William P. Kellogg (search for this): chapter 11
matter home: Here we have a national gensdarmerie instead of a civil police! The Legislature of Louisiana is as much a part of our Government as the Legislature of New York. Men who have never before this moment mixed in politics, leave their books and join these enemies of President Grant. Here is an act done in a time of peace, says Curtis, so dangerous to all civil freedom, so bold and reckless a violation of law, that men who have condoned everything else are compelled to speak out. Kellogg and Packard, Antoine. and Pinchback, are forgotten in the fury now being vented on the great criminal at the White House. Impeachment is demanded in a thousand voices. Resignation is suggested, and in fact announced. The country seems aflame, the whole White family rallying to the defence of outraged law. Yesterday the President seemed resolved to back his lieutenant. He was asked by the Senate to state what is passing in New Orleans, and how he means to deal with matters; for the r
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