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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders.. Search the whole document.

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Thomas Jefferson (search for this): chapter 4
em into decent, honest, upright men? Such was the language, endorsed by sixty-eight Northern Congressmen, applied to the South: to that part of the Union indeed which was the superiour of the North in every true and refined element of civilization; which had contributed more than its share to all that had given lustre to the military history of America, or the councils of its senate; which, in fact, had produced that list of illustrious American names best known in Europe: Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Marshall, Clay, Calhoun, Scott, and Manry. The fact was that insult to the South had come to be habitual through every expression of Northern opinion; not only in political tirades, but through its lessons of popular education, the ministrations of its church, its literature, and every form of daily conversation. The rising generation of the North were taught to regard the Southerner as one of a lower order of civilization; a culprit to reform, or a sinner to
W. T. Sherman (search for this): chapter 4
lition. At the meeting of Congress in December, 1859, the Black Republicans nominated to the speakership of the House Mr. Sherman of Ohio, who had made himself especially odious to the South, by publicly recommending, in connection with sixty-eight South; and it was with reason that the entire Southern delegation gave warning that they would regard the election of Mr. Sherman, or of any man with his record, as an open declaration of war upon the institutional of the South; as much so, some of, and recommended by an array of Black Republican names, were the occasion of the most serious alarm. It is true that Mr. Sherman, the Helper book candidate for the speakership of the House, was finally withdrawn, and one of his party, not a subscrhe book, elected. But the fact remained that more than three-fourths of the entire Northern delegation had adhered to Mr. Sherman for nearly two months in a factious and fanatical spirit. Such an exhibition of obstinate rancour could not fail to p
Walker (search for this): chapter 4
1855, at Topeka, which had been submitted to the people, and ratified by a large majority of those who voted. But the facts were that scarcely any but Abolitionists went to the polls ; and it was notorious that the Topeka Constitution was the fruit of a bastard population that had been thrown into the Territory by the Emigrant aid Societies of New England. In his first message to Congress, Mr. Buchanan surveyed the whole ground of the controversy. He explained that when he instructed Gov. Walker of Kansas, in general terms, in favour of submitting the Constitution to the people, he had no other object in view beyond the all-absorbing topic of slavery; lie considered that under the organic act --known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill — the Convention was bound to submit the all-important question of slavery to the people; lie added, that it was never his opinion, however, that, independently of this act, the Convention would be bound to submit any portion of the Constitution to a popul
Stonewall Jackson (search for this): chapter 4
ight men? Such was the language, endorsed by sixty-eight Northern Congressmen, applied to the South: to that part of the Union indeed which was the superiour of the North in every true and refined element of civilization; which had contributed more than its share to all that had given lustre to the military history of America, or the councils of its senate; which, in fact, had produced that list of illustrious American names best known in Europe: Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Marshall, Clay, Calhoun, Scott, and Manry. The fact was that insult to the South had come to be habitual through every expression of Northern opinion; not only in political tirades, but through its lessons of popular education, the ministrations of its church, its literature, and every form of daily conversation. The rising generation of the North were taught to regard the Southerner as one of a lower order of civilization; a culprit to reform, or a sinner to punish. A large party in
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 4
ganization as a State, and thus to risk the decision of the rights of the South on the verdict of a few settlers on the public domain. This doctrine was violently entitled by Mr. Douglas popular sovereignty; but it was more justly described by Gov. Wise of Virginia, as a short cut to all the ends of Black Republicanism. It is thus seen that Mr. Douglas had tortured the language of the Kansas-Nebraska bill into the sense that the unorganized population of a Territory might decide the questiods to designate themselves to the marines, and thus escape their fire, were hailed with shouts of congratulation as they passed out of the building. While suffering from a wound supposed to be mortal, Brown made the following admissions to Governor Wise of Virginia: I never had more than twenty-two men about the place at one time; but had it so arranged, that I could arm, at any time, fifteen hundred men with the following arms: two thousand Sharp's rifles, two hundred Maynard's revolver
Sharp (search for this): chapter 4
iberated citizens, who had held up their hands to designate themselves to the marines, and thus escape their fire, were hailed with shouts of congratulation as they passed out of the building. While suffering from a wound supposed to be mortal, Brown made the following admissions to Governor Wise of Virginia: I never had more than twenty-two men about the place at one time; but had it so arranged, that I could arm, at any time, fifteen hundred men with the following arms: two thousand Sharp's rifles, two hundred Maynard's revolvers, one thousand spears. I would have armed the whites with the rifles and revolvers, and the blacks with the spears; they not being sufficiently familiar with other arms. I had plenty of ammunition and provisions, and had a good right to expect the aid of from two to five thousand men, at any time I wanted them. Help was promised me from Maryland, Kentucky, North and South Carolina, Virginia, and Canada. The blow was struck a little too soon. The
Helper (search for this): chapter 4
blicly recommending, in connection with sixty-eight other Republican Congressmen, a fanatical document popularly known as Helper's book. This publication, thus endorsed by Black Republicans, and circulated by them in the Northern elections, openly dted, or classed with gangs of licensed robbers, thieves, and murderers. But it was not only the wretched ribaldry of the Helper book that was the cause of excitement; the designs there declared of war upon the South, and recommended by an array of Black Republican names, were the occasion of the most serious alarm. It is true that Mr. Sherman, the Helper book candidate for the speakership of the House, was finally withdrawn, and one of his party, not a subscriber to the book, elected. But the have thus, in a rapid summary of political events from 1857 to 1860-the Kansas controversy, the John Brown raid, and the Helper book imbroglio-enabled the reader to discover and combine some of the most remarkable indications of the coming catastrop
Dangerfield (search for this): chapter 4
on a special train, and sent a telegraphic despatch to the U. S. Marines, in advance of him, directing them what to do. Other troops — the militia from Virginia and Maryland-had promptly reached the scene, and when Col. Lee arrived during the night, were awaiting his orders to act. He immediately placed his command within the armory grounds, so as to completely surround the fire-engine house where the insurgents had taken refuge. In it, Brown and his party had confined Col. Washington, Mr. Dangerfield, and some other citizens whom they had surprised and captured the night before; and therefore to use the cannon upon it now would be to endanger the lives of friends as well as foes. Accordingly, at daylight, Col. Lee took measures to attempt the capture of the insurgents, if possible, without bloodshed. At seven in the morning he sent his aid, Lieut. Stuart, to summon them quietly to surrender, promising only protection from violence and a trial according to law. Brown refused all
Cook (search for this): chapter 4
d near Harper's Ferry, hoping that, as he invaded Virginia, the blacks would flock to his standard, and be armed there with the pikes and rifles he had provided for his recruits. At half past 10 o'clock, Sunday night, 17th October, 1859, the Potomac was crossed, and, proceeding with military method, the party seized first the watchman guarding the railroad bridge at Harper's Ferry, and, posting pickets at certain points, occupied the arsenal and armory building. A white confederate, named Cook, went out in command of a party for the purpose of getting black recruits from the adjoining estates of slaveholders. He arrested Col. Lewis Washington in his house, and brought in some other hostages in the persons of prominent citizens. In the meanwhile, Brown's pickets from time to time arrested and brought into his presence all who, from motives of curiosity or otherwise, had ventured within his military lines. These were retained as prisoners in one of the armory buildings. The picke
Nathaniel Banks (search for this): chapter 4
ote of the Union. But upon the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, Abolitionism, in the guise of Republicanism, swept almost everything before it in the North and Northwest in the elections of 1854 and 1855; and in the Thirty-first Congress, Nathaniel Banks, an objectionable Abolitionist of the Massachusetts school, was elected to the speakership of the House. In the mean time, the language of the Kansas-Nebraska bill was the subject of no dispute. No one supposed that from this language th be dissolved, that they might be cleared, by the separation of North and South, of any implication in the crime of slavery. Even that portion of the party calling themselves Republicans, affected that the Union stood in the way of the North. Mr. Banks, speaker of the House in the Thirty-first Congress, was the author of the coarse jeer--Let the Union slide ; and the New York Tribune had complained that the South could not be kicked out of the Union. --We shall see in the light of subsequent
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