to a higher plane, than ever before opened to the gaze of man. Massachusetts cannot if she would, and thank God, she would not if she could,d occurred.
But he well knew that the Republican party even in Massachusetts, was by no means unanimous in regard to the policy which the adthe reducing them to a single volume, as the cumbersome laws of Massachusetts had been, and of which the people of that State had purchased uental colors.
It ended years after, as all the world knows—and Massachusetts too well—in covering that State with dishonor, and her Senator res him to prodigious eloquence.
Not merely as the Senator for Massachusetts, the honored chieftain of the political Abolitionists, but as t Sumner had now been in the Senate for nearly twelve years, and Massachusetts was to re-elect him for the third term, or choose another man. ienated from him large numbers of his party, and especially in Massachusetts it was known that in attempting his re-election, his friends wo
o be apprehended that they may seek employ in the ministerial army, I have presumed to depart from the resolution respecting them, and have given license for their being enlisted.
If this is disapproved of by Congress, I will put a stop to it.—Sparks's Life of Washington, vol.
III., pp. 218, 219.
Congress sustained Washington in disregarding the resolution.
The secret journals of Congress (vol.
i., pp. 107, 110), March 29, 1779, show that the States of South Carolina and Georgia were recommended to raise immediately three thousand able-bodied negroes.
That every negro who shall well and faithfully serve as a soldier to the end of the present war, and shall then return his arms, be emancipated and receive the sum of fifty dollars.
Washington, Hamilton, Greene, Lincoln, and Lawrence, warmly approved of the measure.
In 1783 the General Assembly of Virginia passed An act directing the emancipation of certain slaves who have served as soldiers in this war.