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Hall (search for this): chapter 10
e, was now some forty-six years of age. He began life as a boatman on the Hudson River, and, passing easily into the sporting class, went to seek his fortunes as a professional gambler in the paradise of the Southwest. In this region he became familiar with all forms of violence, including the institution of slavery. After many personal hazards and vicissitudes, he returned to New York city, where he proved to be admirably qualified for local political leadership in connection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the headquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf
Wendell Phillips (search for this): chapter 10
speak. But the mail will close instanter. W. Phillips. No part of this for the press. The N. Y. ortion of the audience, Dr. Furness asked Wendell Phillips at his 50th Anniversary of a Pastorate, e midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, ooup, stood a large man, so black that, as Wendell Phillips said, when he shut his eyes you could notRev. Henry Grew, Charles C. Burleigh, and Wendell Phillips. Mr. Burleigh's flowing beard and ringleb. 20:[78], 106; Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.202. Phillips's irreproachable appearance and famed eloquenr to be fastidious in our exclusiveness. Wendell Phillips, Frederick Douglass, and thyself were ass, 90. had his say in splendid fashion; so had Phillips, Garrison, and their colleagues suppressed inspeaker was allowed to be heard— not more Wendell Phillips than George Thompson himself; not Edmund placed on sundry important committees. Wendell Phillips wrote to Elizabeth Pease on Mar. 9, 1851 [2 more...]
Samuel Hoar (search for this): chapter 10
ow consistently he had dodged every opportunity Ante, 2.247. in Congress to make himself the spokesman of that muchdesired North, or the protector of that respectable religious feeling when it was regularly coerced into silence in both Houses! What word or act of his in support of John Quincy Adams since 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppressed, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake of the Compromise game was the Fugitive Slave Law, One of those affiliated measures denied the admission of New Mexico because she had determined to come as a free State, and remanded her to come back in the habiliments of slavery. Another distinctly intimat<
George M. Dallas (search for this): chapter 10
nection with Tammany Hall. A sporting-house which he opened became a Democratic rendezvous and the headquarters of the Empire Club, an organization of roughs and desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the AstGeo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the electi
Edmund Quincy (search for this): chapter 10
descent of the Gauls upon the Roman Senate. The barbarism of Rynders was confronted with the loftiest morality, the greatest personal dignity, of the time. He found himself in the midst of Francis and Edmund Jackson, of Wendell Phillips, of Edmund Quincy, of Charles F. Hovey, of William H. Furness, of Samuel May, Jr., of Sydney Howard Gay, of Isaac T. Hopper, of Henry C. Wright, of Abby Kelley Foster, of Frederick Douglass, of Mr. Garrison—against whom his menaces were specially directed. Nerrison succeeded in reading an address recapitulating Mr. Thompson's philanthropic engagements and political honors since his former visit, but not a speaker was allowed to be heard— not more Wendell Phillips than George Thompson himself; not Edmund Quincy nor Douglass; not Elizur Wright nor Theodore Parker. As in New York, the police looked on with indifference, Marshal Francis Tukey Lib. 20.192. playing the part of Chief-of-Police Matsell, and Mayor Bigelow that of Mayor Woodhull—the one g<
J. M. Mason (search for this): chapter 10
246. marshal of a Federal court, or Federal postmaster, or collector of customs, in the State where the seizure was made. The Expounder of the Constitution was prepared to support this iniquity to the fullest extent, Lib. 20.45. along with Senator Mason's amendments of January 23, J. M. Mason. affixing, not only to the rescue of an alleged fugitive, but Lib. 20.54. to the harboring or concealing of any such, a penalty of one thousand dollars fine and twelve months imprisonment (ultimately J. M. Mason. affixing, not only to the rescue of an alleged fugitive, but Lib. 20.54. to the harboring or concealing of any such, a penalty of one thousand dollars fine and twelve months imprisonment (ultimately mitigated, as regards imprisonment, to Lib. 20.153. a term not exceeding six months); and denying the alleged fugitive all right to testify in his own defence. Nor did Webster, who, while yet undecided on which side to commit himself, had drawn up an amendment Lib. 20.100. providing for a trial by jury (which lay hid in his desk on the 7th of March), make this a sine qua non of his adhesion; or revolt at the effect given to the kidnapper's ex-parte Lib. 20.95. affidavits; The pagan law
Stephen A. Douglas (search for this): chapter 10
ch he belonged. There was something Lincolnian in his character—equal simplicity, sturdiness, and honesty—an equal resolution to be the chief magistrate of the whole country, with at least equal independence of party. His course justified Stephen A. Douglas's warning that his election boded no good to the Ante, p. 238. Slave Power's schemes of expansion, for which, nevertheless, as a soldier, he had fought the war with Mexico. His Ante, p. 274; Lib. 20.114. attitude towards the grasping desextremists, and caused the anti-slavery North to regard his death as a calamity. It is incredible, however, that Taylor would not have signed the Fugitive Slave Bill. All we can say is, that he was fated not to have the opportunity, and that Douglas's prophecy again came true in the case of his successor, when the North (nominally) got the man, and the South Ante, p. 238. got the measure. Quite otherwise was it with Robert C. Winthrop's prevision when, in 1848, on giving his adhesion to T
Saxon (search for this): chapter 10
on the stage, and turn the tables by talking down and voting down the actors, it would be a case of real free discussion— popular opinion rising superior to local prejudice, and producing a good result out of the most mischievous elements. On May 6, the Herald singled out the Liberator, for its Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.198; Lib. 20.77. immediate abolitionism and disunionism, and enumerated the speakers announced for the following day: Wm. H. Furness of Philadelphia, white man—from Anglo-Saxon blood; Frederick Douglass of Rochester, black man— from African blood; Wm. Lloyd Garrison of Boston, mulatto man—mixed race; Wendell Phillips of Boston, white man—merely from blood. Comparing the approaching meeting with the Nashville Disunion Ante, p. 279. Convention, Bennett pronounced the former to be much the more mischievous, and renewed his appeal for its suppression in the most inflammatory language. On May 7, he singled out the editor of the Liberator, Nat. A. S. Standard, 1
Edwin Forrest (search for this): chapter 10
.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-WiForrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did not hesitate to threaten the district-attorney in open cou
John C. Calhoun (search for this): chapter 10
years and ten, and standing on the brink of the grave,—two of them gray and extinct volcanoes of Presidential ambition, the third still glowing cavernously,—Clay, Calhoun, and Webster worked, in unequal and even discordant partnership, to establish a new reign of terror for anti-slavery fanatics and ensure the lasting domination ofst honest and defensible of all the enemies of our institutions—and such will be the judgment of impartial history—they might, indeed, agitate, but impotently. Calhoun's glazed eye, almost fixed in death, saw more clearly than Clay's. His last speech, read for him in the Senate, protested not against the Kentuckian's aims in beh Lib. 20: 81). Captain Rynders then resumed his seat. Mr. Garrison then proceeded: Shall we look to the Episcopal church for hope? It was the boast of John C. Calhoun, Ante, p. 275. shortly before his death, that that church was impregnable to anti-slavery. That vaunt was founded on truth, for the Episcopal clergy and la
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