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Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 20
the Union can occur without blood. And if, through the madness of Northern abolitionism, that dire calamity must come, the fighting will not be along Mason's and Dixon's line merely: it [will] be within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have referred. Those who defy law and scout constitutional obligations, will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Independent Democrat, Concord, N. H., Sept. 17, 1863; Greeley's Am. Conflict, 1.513; Lib. 33.158. On the other hand, the acknowledged coming man of the Republican Party, William H. Seward, doubtless well content to have been absent in Europe during the John Brown excitement, landed in New York on Lib. 30.3. December 27, 1859, to the sound of guns in the City Hall park, and made a triumphal progress to his home in Auburn. Resuming his place in the Senate, where he was shunned Lib. 30.11. by his virtuous Southern colleagues, he made his first man
William H. Seward (search for this): chapter 20
Chapter 20: Abraham Lincoln.—1860. Seward retracts his irrepressible conflict for the sake o then, pay heed to similar talk now in view of Seward's probable nomination and election by the Repudged coming man of the Republican Party, William H. Seward, doubtless well content to have been abss, therefore, a white man's party. Such was Seward's bid for the Presidency, seduced by that whiceaking defensively for the Republican Party, Mr. Seward Lib. 30.38. says: I know of only one policyit now exists by the consent and approval of Mr. Seward and his party; not the abolition of the revo that part of the country, and while neither Mr. Seward, nor Mr. Sumner, nor any other of its promins a separate Lib. 30.43, [46]. measure; while Seward, equally with Douglas, dodged the Lib. 30.31,ay, Lib. 30.79. with a special reference to Mr. Seward, is, that they are such children, that they tate, so cowardly were the Republicans that, Mr. Seward chancing to be in Chicago, and having recove[2 more...]
Gaulden (search for this): chapter 20
he equal right of slave property in the Territories, and to enter no Convention not pledged to this doctrine in advance. For ten days, amid scenes of turbulence and passion unparalleled in Lib. 30.70. American political history, the battle raged over this point. Both wings of the party were agreed in reaffirming the Cincinnati platform of 1856, in denouncing the Personal Liberty laws of the North, in demanding the annexation of Cuba—which meant simply the revival of the slave trade. Mr. Gaulden, one of the delegates from Georgia, spoke openly (and humorously) on May 1 in favor of this revival, without which, he said, it would be impossible to colonize new slave States except by depleting the old ones and throwing them into the ranks of the North. The African slave trade, he insisted, was much more moral than that of the slavebreeders in Virginia, who trafficked not in the heathen raw product, but in the manufactured article—in civilized and Christian men! (Lib. 30: 77.) At this
George William Curtis (search for this): chapter 20
er companionship, and when he himself had to be escorted home by a body-guard. The orator's scarifying review of these proceedings, from Lib. 30.202, 203. Theodore Parker's pulpit, on Sunday, December 16,—his topic being Mobs and Education,—brought him a second (daylight) assault as he issued from the Music Hall, and made his return home a street fight. On the same day, in Brooklyn, Henry Ward Beecher had to be guarded by Lib. 30.203. police in Plymouth Church. In Philadelphia, George William Curtis, engaged to lecture on Honesty in a lyceum course, was suppressed by the joint apprehensions Lib. 30.209. of the Mayor and the owners of the hall. For all this, the movement went on. On December 17 the Secession Convention opened its sessions with prayer in Charleston, and with the Palmetto flag flying over all the city and harbor save at Fort Moultrie. On December 20, it passed an ordinance of secession based primarily Lib. 30.207, 209. on the violation of Constitutional right
McPherson (search for this): chapter 20
without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital principles of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond. And now let the secession ordinance itself be heard in its particular arraignment of the North—a hopeless mixture of truth, falsehood, and childishness: McPherson's History of the Rebellion, 2d ed., p. 16. We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been made destructive of them, by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assumed the right of deciding Ante, 1.484; 3.462. upon the propriety of our domestic institutions, and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution. They have denounce
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 20
the ordinance regarding the nature of the compact alleged to have been nullified by the North, let us take that of John Quincy Adams, from the familiar armory of the abolitionists: Yes! it cannot be denied—the slaveholding lords of the Addreion as it was. In this fatuous endeavor Massachusetts Republicans were destined to take part—among them the son of John Quincy Adams. In 1820 the father wrote in his Diary, 5.12. Diary: I have favored this Missouri Compromise, believing it which is to sever the ties of this Union, the same sword will cut asunder the bonds of slavery itself. Quincy's Life of Adams, p. 114; Lib. 28.170. Garrison's perception was identical with Adams's. He greeted his readers at the opening of the Adams's. He greeted his readers at the opening of the thirty-first Lib. 31:[2]. volume of the Liberator with these words, suggested by the political situation: All Union-saving efforts are simply idiotic. At last, the covenant with death is annulled, and the agreement with hell broken—at least by th<
N. R. Johnston (search for this): chapter 20
ngland, clearly foreshadowed the result of the national contest. Will the South be so obliging as to secede from the Union? Lib. 30.163. asked Mr. Garrison. And, I salute your Convention with hope and joy, he wrote to his Lib. 30.175. friend Johnston in Vermont, on October 15. All the omens are with us. Forward! N. R. Johnston. On the sixth of November, Lincoln was elected by the vote of every Northern Lib. 30.178. State save one; and that array of the North under one banner and the SouthN. R. Johnston. On the sixth of November, Lincoln was elected by the vote of every Northern Lib. 30.178. State save one; and that array of the North under one banner and the South under an opposing banner foreseen Ante, p. 87. by Mr. Garrison in 1843—with the issue sure, whether prudence or desperation ruled the counsels of the Slave Power—at length came to pass. For the first time in our history, said Wendell Phillips, the slave has chosen Lib. 30.184. a President of the United States. . . . Lincoln is in place, Garrison in power. The Governor of South Carolina, after the October handwriting on the wall, had called an extra session of Lib. 30.171, 181. the Legisl
Jan (search for this): chapter 20
success, was the Lib. 30.17. favorite standard-bearer in 1860 with the more besotted Democrats of the North. And even as Singleton was nominating him commander-in-chief of a Confederate army, Davis was reading a letter from ex-President Pierce, Jan. 6, 1860. marking him as the coming man for the national Democratic nomination, and confirming the writer's old assurance that a civil war would not rage solely on the border: Ante, p. 469. Without, said the ex-President, discussing the questn Party continued its professions of loyalty to the existing Union, it was to be neither followed nor trusted. He so declared in resolutions which he presented at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in January, 1860, and Jan. 26, 27. of which we quote textually the following: 12. Resolved, That the acme of impudence and profligacy Lib. 30.18. is seen in the constant accusation of the Republican Party, by the Democratic leaders and organs, as disloyal in spirit,
Henry A. Wise (search for this): chapter 20
as President Lib. 30.137, 141, 146, 149, 163, 171, 177, 179, 185, 199. Buchanan said, in his annual message to Congress, a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. All these things were symptomatic, not of disunion, but of Union. A genuine sign of revolution was the centripetal movement of Southerners, as in the case of the two hundred Lib. 29.206, 207, 211; 30.1, 3. medical students in Philadelphia who renounced Northern instruction and seceded to their homes. Governor Wise received them at Richmond as precursors of the break-up. Lib. 30.1. The North bade them good-bye with a smile at their silliness, and turned an incredulous ear to the Southern echoes of Harper's Ferry in both Houses of Congress. Had not Fremont's possible election in 1856 been made the ground Ante, p. 435. of threats of secession? Why, then, pay heed to similar talk now in view of Seward's probable nomination and election by the Republican Party? Henry Wilson, in a speech in the Sen
Taney (search for this): chapter 20
for his mercy endureth for ever. To him that overthrew Pharaoh and his host in the Red Sea; for his mercy endureth for ever! A week later the Republican National Convention met May 17, 1860; Lib. 30.83. in Chicago, and incorporated in its platform the Declaration of Independence (with a mental reservation)—resolving also against all schemes of disunion from any quarter (as if equally censurable), in favor of State rights, and against John Brown or Border-Ruffian invasions; against Judge Taney's doctrine that the Constitution carried slavery into the Territories; against the re-opening of the slave trade. To the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, no allusion. In the vote for candidates, to the infinite surprise of the Eastern States, to the grief even of many abolitionists, the prize of leadership was denied to William H. Seward and given to Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. On the 18th of June, the dismembered Democratic
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