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Browsing named entities in a specific section of Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. Search the whole document.

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Elizabeth Pease (search for this): chapter 8
and both inclination and counsel—H. C. Wright's above all others'—prescribed Lib. 18.110; Ms. May 3, 1848, W. L. G. to E. Pease. for him the water-cure. At Bensonville, near Northampton, Mass., the seat of the lately defunct Community of which Georisonian abolitionist, and a thoroughgoing reformer, must, of course, be very agreeable. She reminds me a little of Elizabeth Pease of Darlington, though younger by one-half. She is a rigid Grahamite, and deems it wrong to take the life of any anirst product of whose teachings was always political voters—as its predecessor had been. Wendell Phillips wrote to Elizabeth Pease in October, 1844 (Ms.): In three towns where I lectured summer before this, the Liberty Party vote trebled the next chment. More intimately still, Apr. 20, 1848; Lib. 18.67. in April of this year, on the death of his loved infant, Elizabeth Pease, he naturally turned to Mr. Parker for ministrations of comfort which were gladly rendered at the funeral. No stran<
Robert C. Winthrop (search for this): chapter 8
avis. support the operations of a Sabbath League. At home, a New England pro-slavery Sabbatarian press recoiled from the spectacle of the Rev. John G. Palfrey, a Massachusetts Representative in Congress, addressing to the Hon. Lib. 18.14. Robert C. Winthrop, candidate for the Speakership of the House, a catechism as to his probable use of the office with reference to slavery and the Mexican War—on Sunday! But no pain was caused by Mr. Winthrop's replying, on the same day, in a way to forfeit Mr. Winthrop's replying, on the same day, in a way to forfeit his antislavery colleague's support. The Anti-Sabbath Convention adjourned, on motion of Lib. 18.51. Henry C. Wright, to meet at the call of the publishing committee in the following year. Meanwhile, this reformer, making free use of the columns of the Liberator, ventilated his disquieting views of the divine authority of the Bible in connection with war and slavery, in rough, axiomatic fashion, as under the caption, The Bible a self-evident falsehood, if opposed to self-evident truth, Lib.
Charles Francis Adams (search for this): chapter 8
another convention at Buffalo, N. Y., on August 9. Meanwhile, a great mass convention on the same lines was held at Worcester, Mass., on June 28, under the Lib. 18.106. presidency of Samuel Hoar and leadership of Stephen C. Phillips and Charles Francis Adams, and with the assistance of Joshua R. Giddings; and in other parts of the State, as Mr. Garrison's letters have just shown, the agitation was carried on during the month of July. The Conscience Whigs of Massachusetts were in revolt Lib.and flourish; but if it stop there, it had better never have been born. Whigs and Democrats managed the Buffalo Lib. 18.131. Convention that resulted in placing before the country the nominations of Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for Vice-President, on a platform of Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men [wherever slavery is not established already]. Lib. 18.142. The Liberty Party representatives were there to yield, not to dictate. They heard, with fe
Lamennais (search for this): chapter 8
rive for each other's welfare, and glorify God in their bodies and spirits which are his—and they will secure the rest, not only of one day in seven, but of a very large portion of their earthly existence. Ce n'est pas que la pauvrete vienne de Dieu, mais elle est une suite de la corruption et des mauvaises convoitises des hommes. . . . Voulezvous travailler à detruire la pauvrete, travaillez à detruire le peche, en vous premierement, puis dans les autres, et la servitude dans la societe (Lamennais, Paroles d'un Croyant, 1833). Compare ante, 2: 358. To them shall be granted the mastery over every day and every hour of time, as against want and affliction; for the earth shall be filled with abundance for all. Nor do we deny the right of any number of persons to observe a particular day of the week as holy time, by such religious rites and ceremonies as they may deem acceptable to God. To their own master they stand or fall. In regard to all such matters, it is for every one to be
Lewis Tappan (search for this): chapter 8
he drawing up of the platform, they could have produced a better. In the conference committee over the nominations, Henry B. Stanton was authorized to say that John P. Hale would submit to the action of the Convention; and when Van Buren led largely on the first ballot, Joshua Leavitt completed the suicide of the Liberty Party by moving that Van Buren's nomination be made unanimous. The Liberty Party began well and ended badly. . . . With the desertion of it by Mr. Leavitt, Mr. Stanton, Lewis Tappan, and others, I had no sympathy. Mr. Leavitt's prominent part in the nominating of Van Buren was very offensive to me (Ms. November 26, 1870, Gerrit Smith to W. L. G.). The Free Soil Party exists, wrote Quincy, Lib. 18.146. not because, but in spite of the Liberty Party. Van Buren had already come out against any further Lib. 18.102. enlargement of the slave area, affirming the power of Congress in the premises, and refusing to support either Lewis Cass or Zachary Taylor. He had a
Charles K. Whipple (search for this): chapter 8
ind. He began by being a Come-outer. He is one of the best of fellows. A thorough man of business, managing a very large concern and making plenty of money, without being the slave of business or money. John W. Browne, Maria W. Chapman, Charles K. Whipple, Samuel Philbrick, Loring Moody, Edmund Quincy, S. S. and Abby Kelley Foster, G. W. Benson, Andrew Robeson, Parker Pillsbury, James and Lucretia Mott, Edward M. Davis, C. C. Burleigh, H. C. Wright, J. Miller McKim, Thomas McClintock, and Jorowne A lawyer, originally of Salem, Mass., at this time of Boston; a classmate and most intimate friend at Harvard of Charles Sumner (Lib. 30: 71, 90, 91; Pierce's Life of Sumner, 2: 294). and Theodore Parker; with supplementary ones by Charles K. Whipple. George W. Benson presided over the two days session in the Melodeon—an ill-lighted hall used on week-days for secular entertainments, and on Sundays by Mr. Parker's congregation as their meeting-house. The orthodox religious press, as rep
Edmund Quincy (search for this): chapter 8
or me. Quincy, too, was antipathetic. Edmund Quincy to R. D. Webb, in Dublin. Dedham, March A rich, money-making merchant [of Boston], as Quincy described him to Webb (Ms. Oct. 3, 1848), at . Whipple, Samuel Philbrick, Loring Moody, Edmund Quincy, S. S. and Abby Kelley Foster, G. W. Bensoese he assigned with much fitness, as when Edmund Quincy was pitched upon Ms. Jan. 10, 1848. W. Le patient present himself. July 17, 1848. Edmund Quincy, with inexhaustible self-abnegation, againiking. It was our agitation alone, continued Mr. Quincy, that kept the Third Party alive until it wa national domain. If it carry its point, said Quincy, Lib. 18.130. of the Free Soil Party, slaveryo W. L. G.). The Free Soil Party exists, wrote Quincy, Lib. 18.146. not because, but in spite of th Mr. Garrison wrote privately in August to Mr. Quincy from Northampton: As for the Free Soilhat infatuation! As the election drew nigh, Quincy wrote to Webb (Ms. Oct. 3, 1848), that the Fr[3 more...]
Charles F. Hovey (search for this): chapter 8
rce this-worldliness of N. E., nothing New England. but superstition would keep [the people] (in their present low state) from perverting the Sunday yet worse by making all their time devoted to Mammon. But there is a better time a-coming, and God bless you in all attempts to bring it now. By the time the Call was first printed in the Liberator, Jan. 21, 1848; Lib. 18.11. the following signatures had been obtained: W. L. Garrison, Francis Jackson, Theodore Parker, Edmund Jackson, Charles F. Hovey, A rich, money-making merchant [of Boston], as Quincy described him to Webb (Ms. Oct. 3, 1848), at the same time a thorough-going Garrisonian. He came into the cause some three years ago, by the way of Democracy, Free Trade, Hard Money, No Monopoly, Freedom of Public Land, etc. Finding out that all the political parties were equally selfish and unprincipled, and really wishing to do some good in the world, he bethought himself of anti-slavery, and the first thing he did was to call a
Eliza P. Hammond (search for this): chapter 8
he purpose of addressing the people, and urging upon them the importance of sending delegates to the meeting. Bro. George drove down to the depot a G. W. Benson. few minutes after my arrival, and carried me and my baggage, with Mr. Child and Mrs. Hammond Eliza P. Hammond, formerly of New Ipswich, N. H., where her husband, an amateur portrait painter, had had Mr. Garrison for a sitter in January, 1844. (whom we took up by the way), to Bensonville. On the way, we discussed the affairs of theEliza P. Hammond, formerly of New Ipswich, N. H., where her husband, an amateur portrait painter, had had Mr. Garrison for a sitter in January, 1844. (whom we took up by the way), to Bensonville. On the way, we discussed the affairs of the nation as vigorously and actively as possible. Speaking of Mrs. Chapman's visit to Europe, for educational purposes in regard to her children, Mr. Child expressed much surprise and wonder at her choice, and said that he had supposed there was not steam power enough to drag her away from the anti-slavery cause to the extent that her absence must necessarily require. With us, and many others, he regretted the step, and thought it an ill-advised one. To Mrs. Chapman herself Mr. Garrison wrote
rt period, where conscientious and upright persons have been thrust into prison for an act no more intrinsically heinous than that of gathering in a crop of hay, or selling moral or philanthropic publications. Allusion is here made to the case of Charles C. Burleigh, who in February, 1847, was twice put in jail in West Chester, Pa. (the second time for six days), for selling anti-slavery books on Sunday (Lib. 17.54, 59; Penn. Freeman, Mar. 25, 1847). For the conviction of a Seventh-Day Baptist farmer for working, in Pennsylvania, on Sunday, see Lib. 18: 119. There is, therefore, no liberty of conscience allowed to the people of this country, under the laws thereof, in regard to the observance of a Sabbath day. The last sentence originally read, . . . observance or non-observance of the first day of the week as a holy day. In addition to these startling facts, within the last five years a religious combination has been formed in this land, styling itself the American and Fo
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