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Louisiana (Louisiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ote, the primary right of the citizen; had confessed that he had no opinions on political questions, and said that he would not be the candidate of any party, or the exponent of the principles of any party. He was the proprietor of estates in Louisiana, and the owner of a large number of slaves. His candidacy was chiefly of Southern origin. Almost with the first suggestion of his name for the office he was announced as an independent candidate in various meetings, mostly in the slave Statess nomination, and in which he referred to the unhallowed union-conspiracy, let it be called—between remote sections; between the politicians of the Southwest and the politicians of the Northeast; between the cotton-planters and flesh-mongers of Louisiana and Mississippi, and the cotton-spinners and traffickers of New England; between the lords of the lash and the lords of the loom,—led to a correspondence with Nathan Appleton, in which that gentleman, supposing himself to be one of the persons
Salem (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
t Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not wrilies, paying hardly any attention to the Democratic party, and directing all their energies against the supporters of Van Buren and Adams. Choate in a speech at Salem, September 28, probably referred to Sumner when he spoke of Mr. Everett as one who could be a philosopher, a scholar, and a progressionist, without being a renegad charge could be equally well applied. The Whig orators joined in this outcry. Choate assailed the Free Soilers as a party founded upon geographical lines. At Salem, Sept. 28, 1848. Others associated them with nullifiers, and held them up as deserving the penalties of treason. Adams, November 9, at Faneuil Hall, made a spir
Dedham (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with him an anonymous polit a liberal summary of his speech, chiefly directed against the Free Soilers, appeared in the Boston Advertiser, September 14. He was in or near Boston a week. speaking twice in the city (once in company with Seward at Faneuil Hall), and also at Dedham, Dorchester, Cambridge, and Lowell. His speech was not on a high level, and gave no promise of leadership in the antislavery conflict. Seward's more serious treatment of the slavery question on the evening they spoke together started a train of
Mexico (Mexico, Mexico) (search for this): chapter 5
the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. The invasion of Mexico proceeded with uninterrupted success, and in less tion could give as an indemnity. In February, 1848, Mexico ceded to the United States Upper California and Newf thirty-eight to fifteen. The proposition made by Mexico, for a guaranty against the introduction of slavery of Polk's Administration to acquire territory from Mexico was manifested early in the war, and even before. st, 1846, signified to Congress that a cession from Mexico was a probable mode of concluding peace, and with tpe it by a declaration against any acquisition from Mexico. This proposition was made in the Senate by Berrieause of his successful fighting in this war against Mexico. Curtis's Life of Webster, vol. II. p. 336. With s, also for the admission of Texas and the war with Mexico. Your principles tend directly to the breaking up oft, to write the history of the second Conquest of Mexico; General Scott's papers were to be placed at their
Webster (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
is the least we can do. Our example will be the mainspring of triumph hereafter. It will not be the first time in history that the hosts of Slavery have outnumbered the champions of Freedom. But where is it written that Slavery finally prevailed? Sumner wrote to Palfrey, June 8:— The news has come by telegraph; we have no details. Meanwhile the enclosed call For a State convention of all opposed to both Cass and Taylor. has been printed; it was written by Rockwood Hoar. The Webster men have promised to bolt with us; it remains to be seen if they will. They say that Webster will. Our call has not yet received any signatures; indeed, it has not left my office. We await the movement of the others; we offer to lead or follow. I wish you were here. It is said that Mr. Lawrence will be ousted from the Vice-Presidential chances; this pleases many here. The Webster and Lawrence factions are very angry with each other,—almost as much as both once were with us. To Geo
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
e part in obtaining the speakers, Among those whom he invited were William Pitt Fessenden, who, however, decided to support Taylor. and making other preparations for the convention. Five thousand people answered to the call. It was an assembly distinguished for that loyalty to moral principle which has been the life and glory of New England. Finding no hall large enough, the multitude thronged upon the Common. The venerable Samuel Hoar, whose name is associated with the mission to South Carolina for the protection of the colored seamen of Massachusetts, was called to the chair. S. C. Phillips reported an address and resolutions; six delegates at large, with Adams's name at the head, were chosen to attend the convention at Buffalo. Among the speakers were Allen, Wilson, Amasa Walker, Joshua Leavitt, Adams, Sumner, Keyes, E. R. Hoar, J. R. Giddings, and L. D. Campbell, the last two from Ohio. Early in the day Sumner read a letter from Dr. Palfrey (then in Congress) approving th
United States (United States) (search for this): chapter 5
e continent, always an American aspiration; and territory was all that the conquered nation could give as an indemnity. In February, 1848, Mexico ceded to the United States Upper California and New Mexico, a region extending from Texas to the Pacific Ocean. Ratified by the Senate, March 10, 1848, by a vote of thirty-eight to fiures of California and New Mexico from acting on the subject, and referred the question of its legal existence in those territories to the Supreme Court of the United States, then a pro-slavery tribunal. the measure received the support of Calhoun and Jefferson Davis, with no Northern Whig senator supporting it except Phelps of Veine inconsistent with individual liberty. In contrast with their vindictiveness was the course of the New York Tribune, the representative Whig journal of the United States, which treated the Free Soil leaders with uniform respect and charity. It was the fashion of the time to invoke the sentiment of national unity against a pa
Pittsfield (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
sland, and Ohio,—and to speak in the cities of New York, Brooklyn, Albany, and Philadelphia; but except a week in Maine, he confined himself to Massachusetts, speaking in the principal towns and cities, In Maine he spoke at Portland, Bath. Waterville, Augusta, Gardiner, and perhaps one or two other points in that State In Massachusetts he spoke at Central Hall, Boston, September 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with him an anonymous political pamphlet, much referred to at the time. Entitled General Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso. This also
Canada (Canada) (search for this): chapter 5
which was rather party than sectional. The advantages of the acquisition were too apparent, and the passion for territorial expansion too strong, to admit of this feeble expedient for resisting the course of events. Sumner from the beginning believed the acquisition to be inevitable, and treated the no more territory makeshift as altogether impracticable. Indeed, he never accepted the Whig idea of keeping the republic within its ancient limits, and was ready—as his welcome to Alaska and Canada late in life shows—for any extension on the continent which came naturally and justly. Adams, in the Boston Whig, July 29, Aug. 4 and 21, 1847, combated the no territory position as untenable. Contemporaneously with the debates concerning the exclusion of slavery from Mexican territory to be acquired, there was a similar contest as to a territorial government for Oregon. After a discussion prolonged from the previous session, a provision interdicting slavery in that territory passed
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 5
ed nation could give as an indemnity. In February, 1848, Mexico ceded to the United States Upper California and New Mexico, a region extending from Texas to the Pacific Ocean. Ratified by the Senaous device for establishing slavery judicially. It prohibited the territorial legislatures of California and New Mexico from acting on the subject, and referred the question of its legal existence inromise, forced the organization of Oregon as a free territory, and reserved the question as to California and New Mexico for a popular agitation. The Clayton compromise was defeated in the House le. Giddings, in a letter to Sumner, Sept 8, 1850, considered that the Free Soil movement saved California to freedom. The Democratic national convention meeting at Baltimore in May, 1848, nominate consolidating or weakening the slave-power. He interposed no obstruction to the admission of California when, to the surprise of both sides, the inhabitants formed a constitution which expressly pro
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