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Louis Kossuth (search for this): chapter 25
usual, the Tribune was accused of uttering those benign words, not of publishing them merely. On the occasion of the Astor-Place riot, the Tribune supported the authorities, and wrote much for law and order. In the Hungarian war, the editors of the Tribune took an intense interest, and Mr. Greeley tried hard to condense some of the prevalent enthusiasm into substantial help for the cause. He thought that embroidered flags and parchment addresses were not exactly the commodities of which Kossuth stood most in need, and he proposed the raising of a patriotic loan for Hungary, in shares of a hundred dollars each. Let each village, each rural town, each club, make up by collections or otherwise, enough to take one share of scrip, and so up to as many as possible; let our men of wealth and income be personally solicited to invest generously, and let us resolve at least to raise one million dollars off-hand. Another million will come much easier matter the first. But alas! soon came
Michael Walsh (search for this): chapter 25
ur men of wealth and income be personally solicited to invest generously, and let us resolve at least to raise one million dollars off-hand. Another million will come much easier matter the first. But alas! soon came the news of the catastrophe. For a reformed code, the Tribune contended powerfully during the whole time of the agitation of that subject. It welcomed Father Matthew this year—fought Bishop Hughes—discussed slavery—be— wailed the fall of Rome—denounced Louis Napoleon—had Consul Walsh, the American apologist of despotism, recalled from Paris—helped Mrs. Peabody finish Bowen of the North American Review —explained to workmen the advantages of association in labor— assisted Watson G. Haynes in his crusade against flogging in the navy—went dead against the divorce theories of Henry James and others—and did whatsoever else seemed good in its own eyes. Among other things, it did this: Horace Greeley being accused by the Evening Post of a corrupt compliancy
Thomas McElrath (search for this): chapter 25
er. It is tangible, and yet intangible. It is a body and it is a soul. Horace Greeley might have said, The Tribune—it is I, with more truth than the French King could boast, when he made a similar remark touching himself and the State. And Mr. McElrath, glancing round at the types, the subscription books, the iron chest, the mighty heaps of paper, and listening to the thunder of the press in the vaults below, might have been pardoned if he had said, The Tribune—these are the Tribune. The the company. In the course of time, further sales of shares took place, until the original proprietors were owners of not more than two-thirds of the concern. Practically, the power, the controlling voice, belonged still to Messrs. Greeley and McElrath; but the dignity and advantage of ownership were conferred on all those who exercised authority in the several departments. And this was the great good of the new system. That there is something in being a hired servant which is naturally an
G. G. Foster (search for this): chapter 25
e corps, and this year he goes to California, and opens up the land of gold to the view of all the world, by writing a series of letters, graphic and glowing. Mr. Dana comes home and resumes his place in the office as manager-general and second-in-command. During the disgraceful period of Re-action, William Henry Fry, now the Tribune's sledge-hammer, and the country's sham-demolisher, then an American in Paris, sent across the Atlantic to the Tribune many a letter of savage protest. Mr. G. G. Foster served up New York in savory slices and dainty items. Horace Greeley confined himself less to the office than before; but whether he went on a tour of observation, or of lecturing, or of political agitation, he brought all he saw, heard and thought, to bear in enhancing the interest and value of his paper. In 1849, the Tribune, true to its instinct of giving hospitality to every new or revived idea, afforded Proudhon a full hearing in reviews, essays and biography. His maxim, prope
let us resolve at least to raise one million dollars off-hand. Another million will come much easier matter the first. But alas! soon came the news of the catastrophe. For a reformed code, the Tribune contended powerfully during the whole time of the agitation of that subject. It welcomed Father Matthew this year—fought Bishop Hughes—discussed slavery—be— wailed the fall of Rome—denounced Louis Napoleon—had Consul Walsh, the American apologist of despotism, recalled from Paris—helped Mrs. Peabody finish Bowen of the North American Review —explained to workmen the advantages of association in labor— assisted Watson G. Haynes in his crusade against flogging in the navy—went dead against the divorce theories of Henry James and others—and did whatsoever else seemed good in its own eyes. Among other things, it did this: Horace Greeley being accused by the Evening Post of a corrupt compliancy with the slave interest, the Tribune began its reply with these words: You
Horace Greeley (search for this): chapter 25
io the Rochester knockings the mediums at Mr. Greeley's house Jenny Lind goes to see them her bw York in savory slices and dainty items. Horace Greeley confined himself less to the office than bf the Tribune took an intense interest, and Mr. Greeley tried hard to condense some of the prevalenwn eyes. Among other things, it did this: Horace Greeley being accused by the Evening Post of a coren the Rochester mediums came to the city, Horace Greeley, in the hope of elucidating the mystery, id expect. At the request of her manager, Mr. Greeley called upon the Nightingale at the Union Ho of the marvels which she heard described. Mr. Greeley invited her to his house, and the following Jenny sitting on one side of the table and Mr. Greeley on the other. Take your hands from underoffice of the Tribune. Since the time when Mr. Greeley practically gave up Fourierism, he had taketangible. It is a body and it is a soul. Horace Greeley might have said, The Tribune—it is I, with[2 more...]
probably continue until every statute which does wrong to woman is expunged from the laws. And if, before voting goes out of fashion, the ladies should generally desire the happiness, such as it is, of taking part in elections, doubtless that happiness will be conceded them also. Meanwhile, an important movement was going on in the office of the Tribune. Since the time when Mr. Greeley practically gave up Fourierism, he had taken a deep interest in the subject of Associated Labor, and in 1848, 1849, and 1850, the Tribune published countless articles, showing workingmen how to become their own employers, and share among themselves the profits of their work, instead of letting them go to swell the gains of a Boss. It was but natural that workingmen should reply, as they often did,— If Association is the right principle on which to conduct business, if it is best, safest, and most just to all concerned, why not try it yourself, O Tribune of the People! That was precisely what the T
utation extending; correspondence more and more able and various; editorials more and more elaborate and telling; new ink infused into the Tribune's swelling veins. What with the supplements and the thickness of the paper, the volumes of 1849 and 1850 are of dimensions most huge. We must look through them, notwithstanding, turning over the broad black leaves swiftly, pausing seldom, lingering never. The letter R. attached to the literary notices apprises us that early in 1849, Mr. George Rieded them also. Meanwhile, an important movement was going on in the office of the Tribune. Since the time when Mr. Greeley practically gave up Fourierism, he had taken a deep interest in the subject of Associated Labor, and in 1848, 1849, and 1850, the Tribune published countless articles, showing workingmen how to become their own employers, and share among themselves the profits of their work, instead of letting them go to swell the gains of a Boss. It was but natural that workingmen sho
ibune's swelling veins. What with the supplements and the thickness of the paper, the volumes of 1849 and 1850 are of dimensions most huge. We must look through them, notwithstanding, turning over tdom, lingering never. The letter R. attached to the literary notices apprises us that early in 1849, Mr. George Ripley began to lend the Tribune the aid of his various learning and considerate pen.ht all he saw, heard and thought, to bear in enhancing the interest and value of his paper. In 1849, the Tribune, true to its instinct of giving hospitality to every new or revived idea, afforded Pgave up Fourierism, he had taken a deep interest in the subject of Associated Labor, and in 1848, 1849, and 1850, the Tribune published countless articles, showing workingmen how to become their own ee People! That was precisely what the Tribune of the People had long meditated, and, in the year 1849, he and his partner resolved to make the experiment. They were both, at the time, in the enjoyme
May 21st, 1849 AD (search for this): chapter 25
ancy with the slave interest, the Tribune began its reply with these words: You lie, villain wilfully, wickedly, basely lie! This observation called forth much remark at the time. Thrice the editor of the Tribune visited the Great West this year, and he received many private assurances, though, I believe, no public ones, that his course in Congress was approved by the Great West. In Cincinnati he received marked attention, which he gracefully acknowledged in a letter, published May 21st, 1849:— I can hardly close this letter without acknowledging the many acts of personal generosity, the uniform and positive kindness, with which I was treated by the citizens of the stately Queen of the West. I would not so far misconstrue and outrage these hospitalities as to drag the names of those who tendered them before the public gaze; but I may express in these general terms my regret that time was not afforded me to testify more expressly my appreciation of regards which could not fai
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