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Browsing named entities in Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones).

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Robert E. Lee (search for this): chapter 1.1
commemorate. I am not disposed to speak of General Lee. It is enough to say he stands high in thend reburial at Tyburn,—period from the death of Lee equal to that which will have elapsed in 1950, days, was arrayed in the ranks which confronted Lee; one of those whom Lee baffled and beat, but whand according to his lights. Will you say that Lee did otherwise? But men love to differentiate whole world looking on. The two were Grant and Lee—types each. Both rose, and rose unconsciously,ferient ruin$ea. With a home no longer his, Lee then sheathed his sword. With the silent dignirant then grimly intimated did not take place. Lee was not molested; nor did the general of the ar done so, I take to be quite indubitable. Of Lee's subsequent life, as head of Washington Collegks. After the war he resumed his studies under Lee's presidency; and one occasion, delivered as a f Washington, of Jefferson, of Rutledge, and of Lee, who stood opposed to us in a succeeding genera[37 more...]<
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 1.1
honesty, integrity, and honor, he will stand to posterity as the beau ideal of the soldier and gentleman. More tersely, Thomas stands for character personified; Washington himself not more so. And now having said this, let us come again to the choice of Hercules—the parting of those terrible ways of 1861. Like Scott and Lee, Thomas was a Virginian; but, again, there are Virginians and Virginians. Thomas was not a Lee. When, in 1855, the second United States cavalry was organized, Jefferson Davis being Secretary of War, Captain Thomas, as he then was and in his thirty-ninth year, was appointed its junior major. Between that time and April, 1861, fifty-one officers are said to have borne commissions in that regiment, thirty-one of whom were from the South; and of those thirty-one, no less than twenty-four entered the Confederate service, twelve of whom, among them Robert E. Lee, Albert Sidney Johnston and John B. Hood, became general officers. The name of the Virginian, George
Abraham Lincoln (search for this): chapter 1.1
rear guard of the Grand Army, we linger. Today is separated from the death of Lincoln by the same number of years only which separated The Glorious Revolution of 16nd anxious winter which followed the election and preceded the inauguration of Lincoln, recall vividly the ray of bright hope which, in the midst of its deepest gloo the peaceful delivery four weeks later of the helm of State into the hands of Lincoln. Thus, be it always remembered, Virginia did not take its place in the secetrenuous in support of a Union re-established by force, as Charles Sumner, Abraham Lincoln, William H. Seward, Salmon P. Chase, and Horace Greeley. The difference wy sword. Two days before he had been unreservedly tendered, on behalf of President Lincoln, the command of the Union army then immediately to be put in the field in fate—as if to test to the uttermost American capacity for self-government—Abraham Lincoln was snatched away at the moment of crisis from the helm of State, and Andr
1775 AD (search for this): chapter 1.1
But men love to differentiate; and of drawing of distinctions there is no end. The cases were dissimilar, it will be argued; at the time Virginia renounced its allegiance Washington did not hold the king's commission, indeed he never held it. As a soldier he was a provincial always—he bore a Virginian commission. True! Let the distinction be conceded; then assume that the darling wish of his younger heart had been granted to him, and that he had received the king's commission, and held it in 1775—what course would he then have pursed? What course would you wish him to have pursued? Do you not wish—do you not know—that, circumstanced as then he would have been, he would have done exactly as Robert E. Lee did eighty-six years later. He would first have resigned his commission; and then arrayed himself on the side of Virginia. Would you have had him do otherwise? And so it goes in this world. In such cases the usual form of speech is: Oh! that is different! Another case altogeth
William T. Sherman (search for this): chapter 1.1
h or South—above all, no American who served in the Civil War—whether wearer of the blue or the gray—can speak, save with infinite respect—always with admiration, often with love. Than his, no record is clearer from stain. Thomas also was a Virginian. At the time of the breaking-out of the Civil War, he held the rank of major in that regiment of cavalry of which Lee, nine years his senior in age, was colonel. He never hesitated in his course. True to the flag from start to finish, William T. Sherman, then general of the army, in the order announcing the death of his friend and classmate at the Academy, most properly said of him: The very impersonation of honesty, integrity, and honor, he will stand to posterity as the beau ideal of the soldier and gentleman. More tersely, Thomas stands for character personified; Washington himself not more so. And now having said this, let us come again to the choice of Hercules—the parting of those terrible ways of 1861. Like Scott and Le
Virginians (search for this): chapter 1.1
ely interwoven—for Virginia was always Virginia, and the Lees were, first, over and above all, Virginians. It was the Duke of Wellington who, on a certain memorable occasion, indignantly remarked, iniels, it built and shaped his golden character. And give him the credit. Three names of Virginians are impressed on the military records of our Civil War, indelibly impressed—Winfield Scott, Gese terrible ways of 1861. Like Scott and Lee, Thomas was a Virginian; but, again, there are Virginians and Virginians. Thomas was not a Lee. When, in 1855, the second United States cavalry was orgVirginians. Thomas was not a Lee. When, in 1855, the second United States cavalry was organized, Jefferson Davis being Secretary of War, Captain Thomas, as he then was and in his thirty-ninth year, was appointed its junior major. Between that time and April, 1861, fifty-one officers are permanent allegiance was due to Virginia; that her secession, though revolutionary, bourd all Virginians and ended their connection with and duties to the national government. Thereafter, to remain
1808 AD (search for this): chapter 1.1
at pursued by Virginia and the South fifty years later: and the quarrel then was foreign; it was no domestic broil. One of my name, from whom I claim descent, was in those years prominent in public life. He accordingly was called upon to make the choice of Hercules, as later was Lee. He made his choice, and it was for the common country as against his section. The result is matter of history. Because he was a Union man, and held country higher than State or party, John Quincy Adams was in 1808 driven from office, a successor to him in the United States Senate was elected long before the expiration of his term, and he himself was forced into what at the time was regarded as an honorable exile. Nor was the line of conduct then by him pursued—that of unswerving loyalty to the Union—ever forgotten or wholly forgiven. He had put country above party; and party leaders have long memories. Even so broad-minded and clear-thinking a man as Theodore Parker, when delivering a eulogy upon J.
George E. Pickett (search for this): chapter 1.1
right—for it, laying down his life. Gettysburg is a name and a memory of which none there need ever feel ashamed. As in most battles, there was a victor and a vanquished; but on that day the vanquished, as well as the victor, fought a stout fight. If, in all recorded warfare there is a deed of arms the name and memory of which the descendants of those who participated therein should not wish to see obliterated from any record, be it historian's page or battle-flag, it was the advance of Pickett's Virginian division across that wide valley of death in front of Cemetery Ridge. I know in all recorded warfare of no finer, no more sustained and deadly feat of arms. I have stood on either battlefield, and, in scope and detail, carefully compared the two; and, challenging denial, I affirm that the much vaunted charge of Napoleon's guard at Waterloo, in fortitude, discipline and deadly energy will not bear comparison with that other. It was boy's work beside it. There, brave men did al
1863 AD (search for this): chapter 1.1
public life; I cannot justify it. I wish I could find some reasonable excuse for it. . . . However, it must be confessed that this, though not the only instance of injustice, is the only case of servile compliance with the executive to be found in the whole life of the man. It was a grievous fault, but grievously did he answer it; and if a long life of unfaltering resistance to every attempt at the assumption of power is fit atonement, then the expiation was abundantly made. （Works, London, 1863, Vol. 1V, pp. 154, 156.) What more, or worse, on the other side, could be said of Lee? Perhaps I should enter some plea in excuse of this diversion; but, for me, it may explain itself, or go unexplained. Confronted with the question what would I have done in 1861 had positions been reversed, and Massachusetts taken the course then taken by Virginia, I found the answer already recorded. I would have gone with the Union, and against Massachusetts. None the less, I hold Massachusetts es
George H. Thomas (search for this): chapter 1.1
ps from the roster of a single regiment men of the ability, the disinterestedness, the capacity and the character of Lee, Thomas, Johnston, and Hood. It is a record which inspires confidence as well as pride. And now of the two men—Thomas and Lee. Though born in Virginia, General Thomas was not of a peculiarly Virginian descent. By ancestry, he was, on the father's side, Welsh; French, on that of the mother. He was not of the old Virginia stock. Born in the southeastern portion of the Sta no cavaliers in the Thomas family, and not the remotest trace of the Pocahontas blood. When the war broke out, in 1861, Thomas had been twenty-one years a commissioned officer; and during those years he seems to have lived almost everywhere, exceptr sympathy or moral indifference seek to confound the two? Charles Stuart and Cromwell could not both have been right If Thomas was right, Lee was wrong. To this I would reply, that we, who take another view, neither confound, nor seek to confou
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