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Felton (search for this): chapter 15
which laid the foundation for the intimacy between Longfellow and Lowell. Lowell had been invited, on the publication of A Year's Life, to write for an annual which was to appear in Boston and to be edited, in Lowell's own phrase, by Longfellow, Felton, Hillard and that set. Scudder's Lowell , i. 93. Lowell subsequently wrote in the Pioneer kindly notices of Longfellow's Poems on Slavery, but there is no immediate evidence of any personal relations between them at that time. In a letter to ilding, a spot whose moral was doubtless enhanced by the companionship of Charles Sumner, just then the especial prophet of international peace. She also aided him effectually in his next book, The Poets and Poetry of Europe, in which his friend Felton also cooperated, he preparing the biographical notices while Longfellow made the selections and also some of the translations. I add this letter from his betrothed, which strikes the reader as singularly winning and womanly. This also is add
John Forster (search for this): chapter 15
ellow's Poems on Slavery, but there is no immediate evidence of any personal relations between them at that time. In a letter to Poe, dated at Elmwood June 27, 1844, Lowell says of a recent article in the Foreign Quaterly Review attributed to John Forster, Forster is a friend of some of the Longfellow clique here, which perhaps accounts for his putting L. at the top of our Parnassus. These kinds of arrangements do very well, however, for the present. Correspondence of R. W. Griswold, p. 151. Forster is a friend of some of the Longfellow clique here, which perhaps accounts for his putting L. at the top of our Parnassus. These kinds of arrangements do very well, however, for the present. Correspondence of R. W. Griswold, p. 151. . . . It will be noticed that what Lowell had originally called a set has now become a clique. It is also evident that he did not regard Longfellow as the assured head of the American Parnassus, and at any rate he suggests some Possible rearrangement for the future. Their real friendship seems to have begun with a visit by Longfellow to Lowell's study on October 29, 1846, when the conversation turned chiefly on the slavery question. Longfellow called to see him again on the publication of h
George S. Hillard (search for this): chapter 15
hey could throw for thee one thousand more votes than for any other man. Life, II. 20. Nor was Whittier himself ever a disunionist, even on anti-slavery grounds. It is interesting to note that it was apparently the anti-slavery question which laid the foundation for the intimacy between Longfellow and Lowell. Lowell had been invited, on the publication of A Year's Life, to write for an annual which was to appear in Boston and to be edited, in Lowell's own phrase, by Longfellow, Felton, Hillard and that set. Scudder's Lowell , i. 93. Lowell subsequently wrote in the Pioneer kindly notices of Longfellow's Poems on Slavery, but there is no immediate evidence of any personal relations between them at that time. In a letter to Poe, dated at Elmwood June 27, 1844, Lowell says of a recent article in the Foreign Quaterly Review attributed to John Forster, Forster is a friend of some of the Longfellow clique here, which perhaps accounts for his putting L. at the top of our Parnassus.
J. A. Lowell (search for this): chapter 15
foundation for the intimacy between Longfellow and Lowell. Lowell had been invited, on the publication of A Lowell had been invited, on the publication of A Year's Life, to write for an annual which was to appear in Boston and to be edited, in Lowell's own phrase, byLowell's own phrase, by Longfellow, Felton, Hillard and that set. Scudder's Lowell , i. 93. Lowell subsequently wrote in the PioneLowell , i. 93. Lowell subsequently wrote in the Pioneer kindly notices of Longfellow's Poems on Slavery, but there is no immediate evidence of any personal relatioLowell subsequently wrote in the Pioneer kindly notices of Longfellow's Poems on Slavery, but there is no immediate evidence of any personal relations between them at that time. In a letter to Poe, dated at Elmwood June 27, 1844, Lowell says of a recent artLowell says of a recent article in the Foreign Quaterly Review attributed to John Forster, Forster is a friend of some of the Longfellow riswold, p. 151. . . . It will be noticed that what Lowell had originally called a set has now become a cliquep seems to have begun with a visit by Longfellow to Lowell's study on October 29, 1846, when the conversation ume of poems, at the end of the following year, and Lowell spent an evening with Longfellow during March, 1848
Carpenter (search for this): chapter 15
subject. 4. I would have no other interference than what is sanctioned by law. 5. I believe that where there is a will there is a way. When the whole country sincerely wishes to get rid of Slavery, it will readily find the means. 6. Let us, therefore, do all we can to bring about this will, in all gentleness and Christian charity. And God speed the time! Life, II. 8. Mr. Longfellow was, I think, not quite justly treated by the critics, or even by his latest biographer, Professor Carpenter, Beacon Biographies (Longfellow ), p. 17. for consenting to the omission of the anti-slavery poems from his works, published by Carey and Hart in Philadelphia in November, 1845. This was an illustrated edition which had been for some time in preparation and did not apparently, like the nearly simultaneous edition of Harper, assume to contain his complete works. The Harper edition was published in February, 1846, in cheaper form and double columns, and was the really collective ed
Weston (search for this): chapter 15
bruted humanity, Garrison's Memoirs, III. 280. and was quite as severely viewed by one of the most zealous of the Irish abolitionists, who thus wrote to their friends in Boston:— Dublin [Ireland], April 28, 1850. [After speaking about Miss Weston's displeasure with Whittier and her being unfair to him, etc., the letter adds—] Is it not a poor thing for Longfellow that he is no abolitionist— that his anti-slavery poetry is perfect dish water beside Whittier's—and that he has just pennedo make the Yankee nation adore it —than you can understand the attractions of Royalty & Aristocracy which thousands of very good people in England look on as the source & mainstay of all that is great and good in the nation. . . . rich D. Webb. Weston Mss., Boston Public Library. Yet Mr. Whittier himself, though thus contrasted with Longfellow, had written thanking him for his Poems on Slavery, which in tract form, he said, had been of important service to the Liberty movement. Whittie
Graham (search for this): chapter 15
s youth at Brunswick, Longfellow had thought of writing a drama on the subject of Toussaint l'ouverture, his reason for it being thus given, that thus I may do something in my humble way for the great cause of negro emancipation. Margaret Fuller, who could by no means be called an abolitionist, described the volume as the thinnest of all Mr. Longfellow's thin books; spirited and polished like its forerunners; but the subject would warrant a deeper tone. On the other hand, the editors of Graham's Magazine wrote to Mr. Longfellow that the word slavery was never allowed to appear in a Philadelphia periodical, and that the publisher objected to have even the name of the book appear in his pages. His friend Samuel Ward, always an agreeable man of the world, wrote from New York of the poems, They excite a good deal of attention and sell rapidly. I have sent one copy to the South and others shall follow, and includes Longfellow among you abolitionists. The effect of the poems was unqu
Charles Dickens (search for this): chapter 15
ears. So long as I keep out of doors and take exercise enough, I feel perfectly well. So soon as I shut myself up and begin to study, I feel perfectly ill. Thus the Sphinx's riddle—the secret of health—is discovered. In Germany I led an out-of-door life; bathing and walking from morning till night. I was at Boppard on the Rhine, in the old convent of Marienberg, now a Bathing establishment. I travelled a little in Germany; then passed through Belgium to England. In London I staid with Dickens; and had a very pleasant visit. His wife is a gentle, lovely character; and he has four children, all beautiful and good. I saw likewise the raven, who is stuffed in the entry—and his successor, who stalks gravely in the garden. I am very sorry, my dear Margaret, that I cannot grant your request in regard to Mary's Journal. Just before I sailed for Europe, being in low spirits, and reflecting on the uncertainties of such an expedition as I was then beginning, I burned a great many let<
Pulszky (search for this): chapter 15
would approve of what I am doing. I hope also for your approval and for your father's. . . . Think of me ever as Very truly your friend Henry W. Longfellow. Ms. The lady thus described was one who lives in the memory of all who knew her, were it only by her distinguished appearance and bearing, her deep, unutterable eyes, in Longfellow's own phrase, and her quiet, self-controlled face illumined by a radiant smile. She was never better described, perhaps, than by the Hungarian, Madame Pulszky, who visited America with Kossuth, and who wrote of her as a lady of Junonian beauty and of the kindest heart. White, Red, and Black, II. 237. Promptly and almost insensibly she identified herself with all her husband's work, a thing rendered peculiarly valuable from the fact that his eyes had become overstrained, so that he welcomed an amanuensis. Sometimes she suggested subjects for poems, this being at least the case with The Arsenal at Springfield, first proposed by her within the
George Lunt (search for this): chapter 15
, while he incurred, like his great compeers, Channing, Emerson, and Sumner, some criticism from the pioneers. Such differences are inevitable among reformers, whose internal contests are apt to be more strenuous and formidable than those incurred between opponents; and recall to mind that remark of Cosmo de Medici which Lord Bacon called a desperate saying; namely, that Holy Writ bids us to forgive our enemies, but it is nowhere enjoined upon us that we should forgive our friends. To George Lunt, a poet whose rhymes Longfellow admired, but who bitterly opposed the anti-slavery movement, he writes his programme as follows:— I am sorry you find so much to gainsay in my Poems on Slavery. I shall not argue the point with you, however, but will simply state to you my belief. 1. I believe slavery to be an unrighteous institution, based on the false maxim that Might makes Right. 2. I have great faith in doing what is righteous, and fear no evil consequences. 3. I believe
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