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George Fox (search for this): chapter 9
d, at the public charge, to their native country, with a letter expressing the indignation of the general court at their wrongs. Colony Laws, c. XII When George Fox visited Barbadoes in 1671, he 1671. enjoined it upon the planters, that they should deal mildly and gently with their negroes; and that, after certain years of servitude, they should make them free. The idea of George Fox had been anticipated by the fellow-citizens of Gorton and Roger Williams. Nearly 1652. May 18. twenty years had then elapsed, since the representatives of Providence and Warwick, perceiving the disposition of people in the colony to buy negroes, and hold them as slanot let his slave go free, or shall sell him away, to the end that he may be enslaved to others for a longer time, shall forfeit to the colony forty pounds. George Fox's Journal, An. 1671. The law of Rhode Island I copied from the records in Providence. Now, forty pounds Chap V.} was nearly twice the value of a negro slave.
n which had of late maintained but a sickly and hopeless existence; and it was clearly perceived, that a body rent by internal factions, and opposed by the whole force of the English court, could never succeed in fostering Virginia. The fate of the London company found little sympathy; in the domestic government and franchises of the colony, it produced no immediate change. Sir Francis Wyatt, though he had been an ardent friend of the London company, was confirmed in office; and he and his Aug 26. council, far from being rendered absolute, were only empowered to govern as fully and amplye as any governor and council resident there, at any time within the space of five years now last past. This term of five years was precisely the period of representative government; and the limitation could not but be interpreted as sanctioning the continuance of popular assemblies. The king, in appointing the council in Virginia, refused to nominate the imbittered partisans of the court faction,
John White (search for this): chapter 9
re employment of his powers for the benefit of his creditor. Oppression early ensued: men who had been transported into Virginia at an expense of eight or ten pounds, were sometimes sold for forty, fifty, or even threescore pounds. Smith, i. 105. The supply of white servants became a regular business; and a class of men, nicknamed spirits, used to delude young persons, servants and idlers, into embarking for America, as to a land of spontaneous plenty. Bullock's Virginia, 1649, p. 14. White servants came to be a usual article of traffic. They were sold in England to be transported, and in Virginia were resold to the highest bidder; like negroes, they were to be purchased on shipboard, as men buy horses at a fair. Sad State of Virginia, 1657, p. 4, 5. Hammond's Leah and Rachel, 7. In 1672, the average price in the colonies, where five years of service were due, was about ten pounds; while a negro was worth twenty or twenty-five pounds. Blome's Jamaica, 84 and 16. So usual
eney s Virginia, 35. Stith, 182; Chalmers, 49; Burk, i. 211; and Hening, i. 146, all rely on Beverl by what Smith writ with his own hand, i. 129. Burk, i. 311, 312, condemned too hastily. Smith oncee good promises, which were never fulfilled. Burk, i. 248, 249. Chap. V.} 1622. The city of Lond majority reflected the earl of Southampton. Burk, i. 257. 1623 Unable to get the control of thenia intercepted for inspection. Stith, 298. Burk, i. 268. Rymer, XVII. 490—493. Smith was partins by which good hopes were to be realized. Burk, i. 272, and note. Chalmers, 62. 76. John Harvhistory the authority of an original record. Burk, i. 274. Hening, i. 76. While these things public satisfaction and the public utility. Burk, i. 276, 277. To urge this solicitation, an agendependent legislation. Hening, i. 122—128. Burk, i. 278—286. Stith, 318—322. The rights of support from the commons; Chalmers, 65,66. Burk, i. 291. but Sir Edwin Sandys, more intent on t[9 more.
Hatteras Indians (search for this): chapter 9
d, was not long restrained by the scruples of men in power. King Ferdinand himself sent from Seville 1510. fifty slave Herrera, d. i. l. VIII. c. IX. to labor in the mines; and, because it was said, that one negro could do the work of four Indians, the direct traffic in slaves between Guinea and Hispaniola was enjoined by a royal ordinance, Ibid. d. i. l. IX. c. v. Herrera is explicit. The note of the French translator of Navarette, i .203, 204, needs correction. A commerce in negroy, but nature herself, cries out against the state of slavery. And Paul III., in two separate briefs, See the brief, in Remesal, Hist. de Chiappa, l. III. c. XVI. XVII. imprecated a 1537. June 10. curse on the Europeans who should enslave Indians, or any other class of men. It even became usual for Spanish vessels, when they sailed on a voyage of discovery, to be attended by a priest, whose benevolent duty it was, to prevent the kidnapping of the aborigines. T. Southey's West Indies,
ng the indignation of the general court at their wrongs. Colony Laws, c. XII When George Fox visited Barbadoes in 1671, he 1671. enjoined it upon the planters, that they should deal mildly and gently with their negroes; and that, after certain years of servitude, they should make them free. The idea of George Fox had been anticipated by the fellow-citizens of Gorton and Roger Williams. Nearly 1652. May 18. twenty years had then elapsed, since the representatives of Providence and Warwick, perceiving the disposition of people in the colony to buy negroes, and hold them as slaves forever, had enacted that no black mankind should, by covenant, bond, or otherwise, be held to perpetual service; the master, at the end of ten years, shall set them free, as the manner is with English servants; and that man that will not let his slave go free, or shall sell him away, to the end that he may be enslaved to others for a longer time, shall forfeit to the colony forty pounds. George
Pequod tribe Winthrop's N. E., i. 234. in Connecticut, the captives treacher- Chap V.} ously made by Waldron in New Hampshire, Belknap's Hist. of N. Hampshire, i. 75, Farmer's edition. the harmless fragments of the tribe of Annawon, Baylies' Plymouth, III. 190. the orphan offspring of King Philip himself, Davis, on Morton's Memorial, 454, 455. Baylies' Plymouth, III. 190, 191. were all doomed to the same hard destiny of perpetual bondage. The clans of Virginia and Carolina, Baylies' Plymouth, III. 190, 191. were all doomed to the same hard destiny of perpetual bondage. The clans of Virginia and Carolina, Hening, i. 481, 482. The act, forbidding the crime, proves, what is indeed undisputed, its previous existence. Lawson's Carolina. Charmers, 542. for more than a hundred years, were hardly safe against the kidnapper. The universal public mind was long and deeply vitiated. It was not Las Casas who first suggested the plan of transporting African slaves to Hispaniola; Spanish slaveholders, as they emigrated, were accompanied by their negroes. The emigration may at first have been contraba
N. Y. Hist (search for this): chapter 9
re Gregoire, Apologie de B. Las Casas, in Mem. de l'inst. Nat. An VIII.; and Verplanck, in N. Y. Hist. Coll. III. 49—53, and 103—105 that negroes might still further be employed to perform the severainst the state of slavery. And Paul III., in two separate briefs, See the brief, in Remesal, Hist. de Chiappa, l. III. c. XVI. XVII. imprecated a 1537. June 10. curse on the Europeans who shouca has been emphatic Walsh's Appeal, 306—342. Belknap's Correspondence with Tucker, i. Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 190—211. in denouncing the hasty avarice which entailed the anomaly of negro slavery ity, scrambled for the convicted insurgents as a merchantable commodity. Dalrymple. Mackintosh, Hist. of the Revolution of 1688. The condition of apprenticed servants in Virginia differed from nvoy, to King James, are but a seminary to a seditious parliament. New Description, II. Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 113. Yet the people of England, regarding only the failure of their extravagant hopes
John Winthrop (search for this): chapter 9
orality pronounced the sentence of slavery and exile on the captives whom the field of battle had spared. The excellent Winthrop enumerates Indians among his bequests. Winthrop's N. E., II. 360. The articles of the early New England confederacy cWinthrop's N. E., II. 360. The articles of the early New England confederacy class persons among the spoils of war. A scanty remnant of the Pequod tribe Winthrop's N. E., i. 234. in Connecticut, the captives treacher- Chap V.} ously made by Waldron in New Hampshire, Belknap's Hist. of N. Hampshire, i. 75, Farmer's ediWinthrop's N. E., i. 234. in Connecticut, the captives treacher- Chap V.} ously made by Waldron in New Hampshire, Belknap's Hist. of N. Hampshire, i. 75, Farmer's edition. the harmless fragments of the tribe of Annawon, Baylies' Plymouth, III. 190. the orphan offspring of King Philip himself, Davis, on Morton's Memorial, 454, 455. Baylies' Plymouth, III. 190, 191. were all doomed to the same hard destiny oe colonies the guilt of participating in the traffic in African slaves. They sailed for Guinea to trade for negroes; Winthrop, II. 243, 244, 245. but throughout Massachusetts the cry of justice was raised against them as malefactors and murderers
Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores (search for this): chapter 9
ion of the slave-trade, but for the hostility between the Christian church and the followers of Mahomet. In the twelfth century, Pope Alexander III., true to the spirit of his office, which, during the supremacy of brute force in the middle age, made of the chief minister of religion the tribune of the people and the guardian of the oppressed, had written, that Nature having made no slaves, all men have an equal right to liberty. See his letter to Lupus, king of Valencia, in Historiae Anglicanae Scriptores; Londini, 1652, i. 580. Cum autem omnes liberos natura creasset, nullus conditione nature fuit subditus servituti. But the slave-trade had never relented among the Mahometans: the captive Christian had no alternative but apostasy or servitude, and the captive infidel was treated in Christendom with corre- Chap. V.} sponding intolerance. In the days of the crusaders, and in the camp of the leader whose pious arms redeemed the sepulchre of Christ from the mixed nations of Asia
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