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Haven (search for this): chapter 1
s, strong in its charter, made no haste 1660. to present itself in England as a suppliant. The colony of Boston, wrote Stuyvesant, Albany Records, XVIII. 124 Oct. 6. 1660. remains constant to its old maxims of a free state, dependent on none but God. Had the king resolved on sending them a governor, the several towns and churches throughout the whole country were resolved to oppose him. Hutch. Coll. 339; Belknap, 437. The colonies of Plymouth, of Hartford and New Chap XI.} 1660 Haven, not less than of Rhode Island, proclaimed the new king, and acted in his name; Quantum mutatus ab illo Hectore, adds Stuyvesant, who was very fond of a Latin quotation. There was, however, no change in the political principles of New England, which never was regicide. Albany Records, XVIII. 123. and the rising republic on the Connecticut appeared in London by its representative, the younger Winthrop, who went, as it were, between the mangled limbs of his father-in-law, to ensure the we
Laud (search for this): chapter 1
ely a passion of religious superstition. Its root is in the human heart, and it is reproduced in every age. Chap. XI.} Blinding the intellectual eye, and comprehending no passion but its own, it is the passionate and partial defence of an existing interest. The Antonines of Rome, or, not to go beyond English history, Elizabeth and Charles I., did not question the divine right of absolute power. Were Nero in power, said Cromwell himself, when protector, it would be a duty to submit. When Laud was arraigned, Can any one believe me a traitor? exclaimed the astonished prelate, with real surprise. The Cavaliers, in the civil war, did not doubt the sanctity of the privileges of birth: and now the English parliament, as the instrument of mercantile avarice, had no scruple in commencing the legislation, which, when the colonists grew powerful, was, by the greatest British economist, declared to be a manifest violation of the rights of mankind. Smith's Wealth of Nations. Such was
Burnet (search for this): chapter 1
mmons, adding, If Strafford must die, it were charity to reprieve him till May 11. Saturday. Burnet, i. 43. Compare hingard's note, x. c. II 108, 109. Men dreaded the service of a sovereign whoseate it. Charles I. drank wine before his execution, for fear of trembling. South is extravagant Burnet, i. 226, could have heard only the accounts of his enemies, which were caricatures. So perished into a triumph. Though before supposed to be a timorous man, Calamy's Abridgment, 99, 100. Burnet, i. 228. He was naturally a very fearful man. Hume, c. LXIII. he appeared before his judges witren, his mistresses. Do not leave poor Nelly Gwyn to starve, was almost his last commission. Burnet, II. 284. So, too, Evelyn, III. 132. Such was the lewd king of England, on whose favor depeter, a man of an obliging temper, universally beloved, being of a virtuous and generous mind. Burnet, i. 134. Indeed he was a noble and a worthy lord, and one that loved the godly. He and Lord Sa
Ahab (search for this): chapter 1
siderable estate, made the house a fair representation of the wealth of the country, was Chap XI.} equally animated by a spirit of stubborn defiance. The parliament first resisted the decisions of the council of Cromwell on the validity of its elections, next vindicated freedom of debate, and, at its third sitting, called in question the basis of Cromwell's authority. Have we cut down tyranny in one person, and shall the nation be shackled by another? cried a republican. Hast thou, like Ahab, killed and taken possession? exclaimed a royalist. At the opening of this parliament, Cromwell, hoping for a majority, declared the meeting more precious to him than life. The majority favored the Presbyterians, and secretly desired the restoration of the Stuarts. The protector dissolved them, saying, The mighty things done among us are the revolutions of Christ himself; to deny this is to speak against God. How highly the public mind was excited by this abrupt act of tyranny, is eviden
1653 AD (search for this): chapter 1
ed a concert with the national affections, which he was never able to gain. He had just notions of public liberty, and he understood how much the English people are disposed to deify their representatives. Thrice did he attempt to connect his usurpation with the forms of representative government; and always without success. His first parliament, convened by special writ, and mainly composed of the members of the party by which he had been advanced, represented the movement in the English 1653 July 4. mind which had been the cause of the revolution. It indulged in pious ecstasies, laid claim to the special enjoyment of the presence of Jesus Christ, and spent whole days in exhortations and prayers. But the delirium of mysticism was not incompatible with clear notions of policy; and amidst the hyperboles of Oriental diction, they prepared to overthrow despotic power by using the power a despot had conceded. The objects of this assembly were all democratic: it labored to effect a m
Montesquieu (search for this): chapter 1
, an unmitigated evil; for the prohibition 12 Car. Il c. XXXIV. Comm. Chalmers, 243. of planting tobacco in England and Ireland, was a useless Chap XI.} mockery. As a mode of taxing the colonies, the monopoly was a failure; the contribution was made to the pocket of the merchant, not to the treasury of the metropolis. The usual excuse for colonial restrictions is founded on the principle that colonies were established at the cost of the mother country for that very purpose. Montesquieu, l. XXI. c. XXI. In the case of the American colonies, the apology cannot be urged. The state founded none of them. The colonists escaped from the mother country, and had, at their own cost, and by their own toil, made for themselves dwellings in the New World. Virginia was founded by a private company; New England was the home of exiles. England first thrust them out; and she owned them as her children only to oppress them! Again, it was said that the commercial losses of the col
Eddy (search for this): chapter 1
ular session was held, and religious May 5. freedom was established in the very words of the charter. Records. If Roman Catholics were disfranchised (which they were not) in March, 1663—4, that disfranchisement endured only two months. Compare Eddy, in Walsh's Appeal, 429, &c.; and Bull, in the R. I. Republican for Jan. 15, 1834.—Chalmers, 276; Douglass, II. 83. 104; British Dom. in America, II. 252; Brit. Empire, II. 148; Holmes, ,&c. &c. &c. are all but forms of the one single authority ielective franchise. Could a milder course have been proposed? When, by experience, this engagement was found irksome to the Quakers, it was the next year repealed. Brinley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. v. 216—220; Holmes, i. 341. Compare, in reply, Eddy in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 97; Knowles, 324, 325. Once, indeed, Rhode Island was betrayed into Chap. XI.} inconsistency. There had been great difficulties in collecting taxes, and towns had refused to pay their rates. In 1671, the general <
Clarendon (search for this): chapter 1
ol of courtiers, and the dupe of mistresses. Did the English commons impeach Clarendon? Charles II. could think of nothing but how to get the duchess of Richmond ertions, the petition of the colony, and, as I believe, the real good will of Clarendon,—for we must not reject all faith in generous feeling,— 1662. April 20. easivent whatever. Connecticut was independent except in name. Charles II. and Clarendon thought they had created a close corporation, and they had really sanctioned The benevolent monarch listened to their petition; it is more remarkable that Clarendon exerted 1662 himself R. I. Records. for the men who used to describe themhe oldest constitutional charter in the world. It outlived the principles of Clarendon and the policy of Charles II. The probable population of Rhode Island, at thof narrowing the limits of the province for which he acted, by embarking with Clarendon and six 1663 other principal courtiers and statesmen of that day, in an imme
Upham (search for this): chapter 1
who could propagate it. Charles I. drank wine before his execution, for fear of trembling. South is extravagant Burnet, i. 226, could have heard only the accounts of his enemies, which were caricatures. So perished a freeman of Massachusetts; the first who lost his life for opposition to monarchy Chap XI.} The blood of Massachusetts was destined to flow freely on the field of battle for the same cause; the streams were first opened beneath the gallows. See a favorable view of Peters m Upham's Second Century Lecture at Salem, 13—27, and Postscript. So, too, Felt's Annals of Salem, 132—151. Bentley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. VI. 250—254. London Monthly Repository, XIV. 525 and 602. Opposite opinions in nearly all the royalist writers The regicides, who had at nearly the same time been 1660 Oct. condemned to death, did not abate their confidence in their cause. Alone against a nation, pride of character blended with religious fervor and political enthusiasm Death under the h<
1667 AD (search for this): chapter 1
York. The charter which secured a large and fertile province to William Penn, and thus invested philanthropy with 1681. executive power on the western bank of the Delaware, was a grant from Charles II. After Philip's war in New England, Mount Hope was hardly rescued from a 1679. courtier, then famous as the author of two indifferent comedies. The grant of Nova Scotia to Sir Thomas Temple was not revoked, while, with the inconsistency of ignorance, Acadia, with indefinite boundaries, was 1667. restored to the French. From the outer cape of Nova Scotia to Florida, with few exceptions, the tenure of every territory was changed. Nay, further, the trade with Africa, the link in the chain of universal commerce, that first joined Europe, Asia, and America together, and united the Caucasian, the Malay, and the Ethiopian races in indissoluble bonds, was given away to a company, which alone had the right of planting on the African coast. The frozen zone itself was invaded, and Prince Ru
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