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idney, whose imagination delighted in pictures of Roman liberty, of Spartan virtue; the less educated, who indulged in visions of a restoration of that happy Anglo-Saxon system, which had been invented in the woods in days of Anglo-Saxon simplicity; the republicans, the levellers, the fanatics,—all ranged themselves on the side of Saxon simplicity; the republicans, the levellers, the fanatics,—all ranged themselves on the side of the new ideas. The true representative of the better principles of the Independents was Henry Vane; but the acknowledged leader of the party was Oliver Cromwell. Was he sincere? Or was he wholly a hypocrite? It is difficult to disbelieve that his mind was honestly imbued with the extreme principles of Puritan reforms; but thearate settlement a little democracy of itself. It was the natural reproduction of the system, which the instinct of humanity had imperfectly revealed to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. In the ancient republics, citizenship had been an hereditary privilege. In Connecticut, citizenship was acquired by inhabitancy, was lost by removal.
repeal all laws inconsistent with the charter—a repeal which precludes the possibility of the disfranchising of Roman Catholics. In May, the regular session was held, and religious May 5. freedom was established in the very words of the charter. Records. If Roman Catholics were disfranchised (which they were not) in March, 1663—4, that disfranchisement endured only two months. Compare Eddy, in Walsh's Appeal, 429, &c.; and Bull, in the R. I. Republican for Jan. 15, 1834.—Chalmers, 276; Douglass, II. 83. 104; British Dom. in America, II. 252; Brit. Empire, II. 148; Holmes, ,&c. &c. &c. are all but forms of the one single authority in the printed laws of Rhode Island. The broad terms embrace not Roman Catholics merely, but men of every creed. No person shall at any time hereafter be any ways called in question for any difference of opinion in matters of religion. As if to preserve a record that should refute the calumny, in May, 1665, the legislature asserted that liberty to all <
ense of America. The profit of the one was balanced by the loss of the other. In the sale of their products the colonists were equally injured. The English, being the sole purchasers, could obtain those products at a little less than their fair value. The merchant of Bristol or London was made richer; the planter of Virginia or Maryland was made poorer. No new value was created; one lost what the other gained; and both parties had equal claims to the benevolence of the legislature. Burke. Thus the colonists were wronged, both in their purchases and in their sales; the law cut them with a double edge. The English consumer gained nothing; for the surplus colonial produce was reexported to other nations. The English merchant, and not the English people, profited by the injustice. The English people were sufferers. Not that the undue employment of wealth in the colonial trade occasioned an injurious scarcity in other branches of industry; for the increased productiveness
1663—4, that disfranchisement endured only two months. Compare Eddy, in Walsh's Appeal, 429, &c.; and Bull, in the R. I. Republican for Jan. 15, 1834.—Chalmers, 276; Douglass, II. 83. 104; British Dom. in America, II. 252; Brit. Empire, II. 148; Holmes, ,&c. &c. &c. are all but forms of the one single authority in the printed laws of Rhode Island. The broad terms embrace not Roman Catholics merely, but men of every creed. No person shall at any time hereafter be any ways called in question for the engagement was to forfeit the elective franchise. Could a milder course have been proposed? When, by experience, this engagement was found irksome to the Quakers, it was the next year repealed. Brinley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. v. 216—220; Holmes, i. 341. Compare, in reply, Eddy in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 97; Knowles, 324, 325. Once, indeed, Rhode Island was betrayed into Chap. XI.} inconsistency. There had been great difficulties in collecting taxes, and towns had refused to pay <
oncert with the national affections, which he was never able to gain. He had just notions of public liberty, and he understood how much the English people are disposed to deify their representatives. Thrice did he attempt to connect his usurpation with the forms of representative government; and always without success. His first parliament, convened by special writ, and mainly composed of the members of the party by which he had been advanced, represented the movement in the English 1653 July 4. mind which had been the cause of the revolution. It indulged in pious ecstasies, laid claim to the special enjoyment of the presence of Jesus Christ, and spent whole days in exhortations and prayers. But the delirium of mysticism was not incompatible with clear notions of policy; and amidst the hyperboles of Oriental diction, they prepared to overthrow despotic power by using the power a despot had conceded. The objects of this assembly were all democratic: it labored to effect a most ra
within eight days of the commencement of the session, marks the resolute spirit of the commons; his attainder was the sign of their ascendency. On the honor of a king, wrote Strafford's Letters, II. 416. Charles to the prisoner, you shall not be harmed in life, fortune, or honor; and the fourth day after the passage of the bill of attainder, as if to reveal his weakness, the king could send his adhesion to the commons, adding, If Strafford must die, it were charity to reprieve him till May 11. Saturday. Burnet, i. 43. Compare hingard's note, x. c. II 108, 109. Men dreaded the service of a sovereign whose love was so worthless, and whose prerogative was so weak; safety was found on the side of the people; and the parliament was left without control to its work of reform. Its earliest acts were worthy of all praise. The liberties of the people were recovered and strengthened by appropriate safeguards; the arbitrary courts of High Commission, and the court of Wards, were broke
lued, the state was content with virtue and single-mindedness; and the public welfare never suffered at the hands of plain men. Roger Williams had ever been a welcome guest at Hartford; and that heavenly man, John Haynes, would say to him, I think, Mr. Williams, I must now confesse to you, that the most wise God hath provided and cut out this part of the world as a refuge and receptacle for all sorts of consciences. Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 280. There never existed a persecuting spirit So Douglas, II. 135. I never heard of any persecuting spirit in Connecticut; in this they are egregiously aspersed. in Connecticut; while it had a scholar to their minister in every town or village. Education was cherished; religious knowledge was carried to the highest degree of refinement, alike in its appli- Chap. XI.} cation to moral duties, and to the mysterious questions on the nature of God, of liberty, and of the soul. A hardy race multiplied along the alluvion of the streams, and subdued
nd of ease continued to the end. On the last morning of his life, he bade his attendants open the curtains of his bed, and the windows of his bed-chamber, that he might once more see the sun. Barillon, in Dalrymple, App. to p. i. b. i. Compare James' II. Memoirs, i. 746; Evelyn, III. 130, 131. He desired absolution; For God's sake, send for a Catholic priest; but checked himself, adding, it may expose the duke of York to danger. James' II. Memoirs, i. 747. He pardoned all his enemies, nJames' II. Memoirs, i. 747. He pardoned all his enemies, no doubt sincerely. The queen sent to beg forgiveness for any offences. Alas, poor woman, she beg my pardon! he replied; I beg hers with all my heart; take back to her that answer. Dalrymple, book i. p. 66. He expressed some regard for his brother, his children, his mistresses. Do not leave poor Nelly Gwyn to starve, was almost his last commission. Burnet, II. 284. So, too, Evelyn, III. 132. Such was the lewd king of England, on whose favor depended the liberties of the New Englan
urred to the British parliament that the legislation was a wrong. Bigotry is not exclusively a passion of religious superstition. Its root is in the human heart, and it is reproduced in every age. Chap. XI.} Blinding the intellectual eye, and comprehending no passion but its own, it is the passionate and partial defence of an existing interest. The Antonines of Rome, or, not to go beyond English history, Elizabeth and Charles I., did not question the divine right of absolute power. Were Nero in power, said Cromwell himself, when protector, it would be a duty to submit. When Laud was arraigned, Can any one believe me a traitor? exclaimed the astonished prelate, with real surprise. The Cavaliers, in the civil war, did not doubt the sanctity of the privileges of birth: and now the English parliament, as the instrument of mercantile avarice, had no scruple in commencing the legislation, which, when the colonists grew powerful, was, by the greatest British economist, declared to be
score, as if to appease the shade of Charles I.; and among the selected victims was Hugh Peters, once the minister of Salem, the father-in-law of the younger Winthrop; R. Williams to J. Winthrop, Jr., in Knowles, 310. You were the son of two noble fathers. Surely I did ever, from my soul, honor and love them. one whom Roger Williams honored and loved, and whom Milton is supposed to include among Men whose life, learning, faith, and pure intent, Would have been held in high esteem with Paul. As a preacher, his homely energy resembled the eloquence of Latimer and the earlier divines; in Salem he won general affection; he was ever zealous to advance the interests and quicken the industry of New England, and had assisted in founding the earliest college. His was the fanaticism of an ill-balanced mind, mastered by great ideas, which it imperfectly comprehends; and therefore he repelled monarchy and Episcopacy with excited passion. Though he was not himself a regicide, his zeal mad
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