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ndents were united; their strength lay in a small but well-disciplined army; the celerity and military genius of Cromwell ensured to them unity of counsels and promptness of action; they conquered their adversaries in detail; and the massacre of Drogheda, the field of Dunbar, and the victory of Worcester, destroyed the present hopes of the friends of monarchy. The lustre of Cromwell's victories ennobled the crimes of his ambition. When the forces of the insurgents had been beaten down, therejudgment. Nor was he entirely free from that Chap. XI.} bigotry which refuses to extend the rights of humanity beyond its own altars; Trial of Anne Hutchinson. he could thank God for the massacres of Cromwell in Ireland. Whitelocke, 428. Drogheda is taken, 3552 of the enemy slain, Ashton killed; none spared. I came now from giving thanks in the great church. And yet benevolence was deeply fixed in his heart; he ever advocated he rights of the feeble, and pleaded for the sufferings of th
a result of the little colonial exchanges. To the extravagant fears of mercantile avarice, New England was become a staple. Chalmers, 262. See Hutch. Coll. 422. Parliament, 25 Car. II. c. VII. therefore, resolved to exclude New England 1672. merchants from competing with the English, in the markets of the southern plantations; the liberty of free traffic between the colonies was accordingly taken away; and any of the enumerated commodities exported from one colony to another, were sus. In 1671, the general assembly passed a law, inflicting a severe penalty on any one who should speak in town-meeting against the payment of the assessments. The law lost to its advocates their reelection in the next year, the magistrates were 1672. selected from the people called Quakers, and freedom of debate was restored. George Fox himself was present among his Friends, demanding a double diligence in guards against oppression, and in the firm support of the good of the people. The ins
anufacture those articles which might compete with the English in foreign markets, but even to supply herself, by her own industry, with those articles which her position enabled her to manufacture with success for her own wants. For example, 5 Geo. II. c. XXII. § 7 and 23 Geo. II. c. XXIX. Thus was the policy of Great Britain, with respect to her colonies, a system of monopoly, adopted after the example of Spain, and, for more than a century, inflexibly pursued, in no less than twentyGeo. II. c. XXIX. Thus was the policy of Great Britain, with respect to her colonies, a system of monopoly, adopted after the example of Spain, and, for more than a century, inflexibly pursued, in no less than twenty-nine acts of parliament. The colonists were allowed to sell to foreigners only what England would not take; that so they might gain means to pay for the articles forced upon them by England. The commercial liberties of rising states were shackled by paper chains, and the principles of natural justice subjected to the fears and Chap XI.} the covetousness of English shopkeepers. Say, II. 288, 289 The effects of this system were baleful to the colonies. They could buy European and all
William Berkeley (search for this): chapter 1
d far stronger claims for favor than Rhode Island and Con- 1661. April 30. necticut; and Sir William Berkeley himself embarked for England as the agent of the colony. But Virginia was unhappy alike in the agent whom she selected and in the object of her pursuit. Berkeley was eager in the advancement of his own interests; and Virginia Chap XI.} desired relief from the pressure of the navigation act, Albany Records, XVIII. 158. In reply, the Dutch W. I. C., July 15, 1662. Gov. Berkeley has as yet effected very little in favor of the English Virginians. Records, XVIII. 197 which Charleration, as recklessly as a man would 1673 give away a life-estate in a farm. Meantime Sir William Berkeley made use of his presence in England for his own account, and set the example of narrowing 1663 other principal courtiers and statesmen of that day, in an immense speculation in lands. Berkeley, being about to return to America, was perhaps esteemed a convenient instrument. King Charles
Oliver Cromwell (search for this): chapter 1
e. The Presbyterian earl of Manchester, said Cromwell, shall be content with being no more than plament. Self-love easily dupes conscience; and Cromwell may have always believed himself faithful to ed with the fervors of religious excitement. Cromwell had early perceived that the honor and valor werful reaction gave the supreme authority to Cromwell. Sovereignty had escaped from the king to thas the highest peace-officer in the realm. Cromwell next attempted an alliance with the property irst resisted the decisions of the council of Cromwell on the validity of its elections, next vindicroyalist. At the opening of this parliament, Cromwell, hoping for a majority, declared the meeting romwell and the army; and, for the last time, Cromwell hoped, through a parliament to reconcile his atred and scorn. The democratic party, which Cromwell had subdued, was now politically extinct; itsd be revived by men professing godliness; and Cromwell, unable to intimidate him, confined him to Ca[35 more...]
of its bay, in very deed the most excellent in New England; having harbors safe for the biggest ships that ever sayled the sea, and open when others at the east and west are locked up with stony doors of ice? It is a more interesting question, if the rights of conscience and the freedom of mind were strictly respected. There have not been wanting those who have charged Rhode Island with persecuting the Quakers. The calumny has not even a plausible foundation. The royal commissioners, in 1665, less charitable than the charter, required the oath of allegiance; the general assembly, scrupulous in its respect for the rights of conscience, would listen to no proposition except for an engagement of fidelity, and due obedience to the laws. To refuse the engagement was to forfeit the elective franchise. Could a milder course have been proposed? When, by experience, this engagement was found irksome to the Quakers, it was the next year repealed. Brinley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. v. 216
il of England, he was received by infinite crowds with all 1660. May 25. imaginable love. The shouting and general joy wers from throngs of men, the whole kingdom seemed Chap XI.} 1660 May 29. gathered along the road-sides. The companies of thion. The immediate effects of the restoration were sad- 1660. dened by the bitterness of revenge. All the regicides thato his daughter. At the gallows, he was compelled to wait 1660 Oct. 14. while the body of his friend Cooke, who had just brs The regicides, who had at nearly the same time been 1660 Oct. condemned to death, did not abate their confidence in s and a friend to the interests of the Independ- Chap XI.} 1660 July 27. ents,—and William Goffe, a firm friend to the famiws. Massachusetts, strong in its charter, made no haste 1660. to present itself in England as a suppliant. The colony o a point of absolute cruelty. And now that the hereditary 1660 Oct. 18 monarch was restored and duly acknowledged, they ha
o, the kingdom of England, or any of his majesty's dominions thereto belonging. Same expression in 2 Anne, c. IX.; 3 Anne, c. v.; and in 21 George II. c. II. The expression does not include the colonies. Doubts arising, not whether the power of parliament was co-extensive with Chap. XI} 1660 the English empire, but what territories the terms of the act included, they were interpreted to exclude the dominions not of the crown of England. Vaughan's Reports, 170. Compare Tyrwhit and Tyndale's Digest, XIII.—XV. Chalmers, p. 241, is not sustained n his inference. The tax was, also, never levied in the colonies; nor was it understood that the colonies were bound by a statute, unless they were expressly named. Blackstone, i. 107, 108; Chitty on Prerogative, 33. That distinctness was not wanting, when it was required by the interests of English merchants. The Navigation Act of the commonwealth had not been designed to trammel the commerce of the colonies, the convention pa
Blackstone (search for this): chapter 1
kingdom of England was lifted out of the bondage of feudalism by a series of reforms, which were afterwards renewed, and which, when successfully imbodied among the statutes, the commentator on English law esteemed above Magna Charta itself. Blackstone, b. IV. c. XXXIII. 437 These measures were national, were adopted almost without opposition, and received the nearly unanimous assent of the nation. Chap. XI.} 1641 They were truly English measures, directed in part against the abuses introd Tyrwhit and Tyndale's Digest, XIII.—XV. Chalmers, p. 241, is not sustained n his inference. The tax was, also, never levied in the colonies; nor was it understood that the colonies were bound by a statute, unless they were expressly named. Blackstone, i. 107, 108; Chitty on Prerogative, 33. That distinctness was not wanting, when it was required by the interests of English merchants. The Navigation Act of the commonwealth had not been designed to trammel the commerce of the colonies, t
f tyranny are always essentially the same; the freedom of the press was subjected to parliamentary censors. The usurpation foreboded the subversion of the throne, and the subjection of the people. The liberators of England were become its tyrants; the rights of the nation had been asserted only to be sequestered for their use. The spirit of loyalty was still powerful in the commons; as the demands of the commons advanced, stormy debates and a close division ensued. Falkland, and Capel, and Hyde, now acted with the court. The remonstrance on the state of the kingdom, an uncom- Chap XI.} 1641 promising manifesto against the arbitrary measures of Charles, was democratic in its tendency; because it proposed no specific reform, but was rather a general and exciting appeal to popular opinion. The English mind was already as restless as the waves of the ocean by which the island is environed; the remonstrance was designed to increase that restlessness; in a house of more than five hund
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