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Savannah River (United States) (search for this): chapter 14
y, and incapable of dealing unjustly. Admitting this to be true, retorted Hopkins, one who is bound to obey the will of another is as really a slave, though he may have a good master, as if he had a bad one; and this is stronger in politic bodies than in natural ones. The plea recurred, that the British parliament virtually represented the whole British empire. It is an insult on the most common understanding, thought James Habersham of Georgia, and every American from the banks of the Savannah to the frontier of Maine, to talk of our being virtually represented in parliament. It is an insult on common sense to say it, repeated the Presbyterian ministers of the middle states to the Calvinist ministers of New England. Are persons chosen for the representatives of London and Bristol, in like manner chosen to be the representatives of Philadelphia or Boston? Have two men chosen to represent a poor borough in England, that has sold its votes to the highest bidder, any pretence to sa
ociations were formed in Virginia, as well as in New England, to resist the Stamp Act by all lawful means. Hope began to rise, that American rights and liberties might safely be trusted to the watchfulness of a united continent. The insolence of the royal officers provoked to insulated acts of resistance The people of Rhode Island, angry with the commander of a ship of war, who had boarded their vessels and impressed their seamen, seized his boat, and burned it on Newport Letter from Newport, June, 1765. Common. Men of New England, of a superior sort, had obtained of the government of New Hampshire a warrant for land down the western slope of the Green Mountains, on a branch of the Hoosic, twenty miles east of the Hudson river; formed already a community of sixty-seven families, in as many houses, with an ordained minister; had elected their own municipal officers; founded three several public schools; set their meeting-house among the primeval forests of beech and maple;
Caecilius Calvert (search for this): chapter 14
linens and woollens, passed from mouth to mouth, till it found its way across the Atlantic, and alarmed the king in council; the ladies of the first fortune shall set the example of wearing homespun. It will be accounted a virtue in them to wear a garment of their own spinning. A little attention to manufactures will make us ample amends for the distresses of the present day, and render us a great, rich, and happy people. Hutchinson's History. Pa. Gaz. N. Y. Gaz. Boston Gaz. Sharpe to Calvert, 10 July. Letter from Charleston, S. C. When the churchmen of New-York preached loyalty to the king as the Lord's anointed, The people, retorted William Livingston, are the Lord's anointed. Though named mob and rabble, the people are the darling of Providence. Was the Bible quoted as demanding deference to all in authority? This, it was insisted, is to add dulness to impiety. For chap. XIV.} 1765. June. tyranny, they cried, is no government; the gospel promises liberty, glorious
Monthly Review (search for this): chapter 14
resentatives of Philadelphia or Boston? Have two men chosen to represent a poor borough in England, that has sold its votes to the highest bidder, any pretence to say that they represent Virginia or Pennsylvania? And have four hundred such fellows a right to take our liberties? F. Alison to E. Stiles. But it was argued again and again: Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, like America, return no members. Why, rejoined Otis, and his answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes to the colonists on them? If they are not represented, they ought to be. Every man of a sound mind, he continued, should have his vote. Ah, but, replied the royalists, holding Otis to his repeated concessions, you own that par- chap. XIV.} 1765. June. liament is the supreme legislature; will you question its jurisdiction? And his answer was on the lips of all patriots, learned and unlearned: Lord Coke June declares, that it is against Magna Charta and
Richard Bland (search for this): chapter 14
rliament of Great Britain has to tax them. We were not sent out to be slaves, they continued, citing the example of ancient Greece, and the words of Thucydides; we are the equals of those who remained behind. Americans hold equal rights with those in Britain, not as conceded privileges, but as inherent and indefeasible rights. We have the rights of Englishmen, was the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men of our own condition. Hopkins, Bland, and others. Providence Gazette. If we are Englishmen, said one, on what footing is our property? The great Mr. Locke, said another, lays it down that no man has a right to that which another may take from him. And a third, proud of his respect for the law, sheltered himself under the words of the far-famed Coke: The Lord may tax his villain, high or low, but it is against the franchises of the land for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent in parliament. If the people in Amer
he traditions of the Board of Trade branded it as mutinous. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Massachusetts had proceeded cautiously and almost timidly, naming for its delegates to the proposed Congress, with the patriot Otis, two others who were friends to government. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Virginia was ready to convince the world that her people were firm and unanimous in the cause of liberty, R. H. Lee to L. Carter. but its newly-elected assembly was not suffered by Fauquier to come together. New Jersey received the circular letter of Massachusetts on the twentieth of June, the last day of the session of its legislature. The Speaker, a friend to the British government, at first inclined to urge sending delegates to the proposed Congress; but, on some advice from the governor, changed his mind, chap. XIV.} 1765. June. and the house, in the hurry preceding the adjournment, rather from uncertainty than the want of goodwill, unanimously declined the invitati
e hope of Otis—union that should knit and work into the very blood and bones of the original system every region, as fast as settled. Yet how comprehensive and how daring the idea! The traditions of the Board of Trade branded it as mutinous. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Massachusetts had proceeded cautiously and almost timidly, naming for its delegates to the proposed Congress, with the patriot Otis, two others who were friends to government. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. VirgBladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Virginia was ready to convince the world that her people were firm and unanimous in the cause of liberty, R. H. Lee to L. Carter. but its newly-elected assembly was not suffered by Fauquier to come together. New Jersey received the circular letter of Massachusetts on the twentieth of June, the last day of the session of its legislature. The Speaker, a friend to the British government, at first inclined to urge sending delegates to the proposed Congress; but, on some advice from the governor,
Chapter 14: South Carolina Founds the American union. June—July, 1765. the essays of Freeman had appeared, and the sum- chap. XIV.} 1765. June. mons for the Congress had gone forth from Massachusetts, when the resolves of Virginia were published to the world. They have spoken treason, said the royalists. Is it treason, retorted others, for the deputies of the people to assert their rights, or to give them away? Oh! those Virginians, cried Oxenbridge Thacher, from his deathbed, where, overplied by public exertions, he was wasting away with a hectic, those Virginians are men; they are noble spirits. I long to be out—to speak in court against tyranny, words that shall be read after my death. Why, said one of his friends, are not our rights and liberties as boldly asserted by every government in America as by Virginia? * * * Behold, cried another, a whole continent awakened, alarmed, restless, and disaffected. Letter of J. Adams. Boston Gazette. Hutchinson. Hist.
answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes to the colonists on them? If they are not represented, they ought to be. Every man of a sound mind, he continued, should have his vote. Ah, but, replied the royalists, holding Otis to his repeated concessions, you own that par- chap. XIV.} 1765. June. liament is the supreme legislature; will you question its jurisdiction? And his answer was on the lips of all patriots, learned and unlearned: Lord Coke June declares, that it is against Magna Charta and against the franchises of the land, for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent; Lord Coke rules, that an act of parliament against common law is void. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Thus opinion was echoed from mind to mind, as the sun's rays beam from many clouds, all differing in tints, but every hue an emanation from the same fires. In the midst of the gloom, light broke from the excitement of a whole people. Associations we
Philalethes (search for this): chapter 14
we in David? what inheritance in the son of Jesse? To your tents, O Israel! Now see to thine own house, David! Boston Gaz. 15 July. Who cares, said the more hardy, whether George or Louis is the sovereign, if both are alike? Otis, and many others. The beast of burden, continued others, asks not whose pack it carries. O. Thacher, and many others. I would bear allegiance to King George, said one who called himself a lover of truth, but not be a slave to his British subjects. Philalethes, in N. Y. Gaz. But the members of parliament, argued the chap. XIV.} 1765. June. royalists, are men of the highest character for wisdom, justice, and integrity, and incapable of dealing unjustly. Admitting this to be true, retorted Hopkins, one who is bound to obey the will of another is as really a slave, though he may have a good master, as if he had a bad one; and this is stronger in politic bodies than in natural ones. The plea recurred, that the British parliament virtually
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