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ant, an infamous, atrocious, and nefarious crime. A colonist, murmured a Boston man who had dipped into Grenville's pamphlet, a colonist cannot make a horse-shoe or a hob-nail, but some ironmonger of Britain shall chap. XIV.} 1765. June. bawl that he is robbed by the American republican. Yes, they are even stupid enough, it was said in the town of Providence, to judge it criminal for us to become our own manufacturers. Colden's Corr. Boston Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Providence Gaz. Lloyd's Conduct, &c. Newport Mercury. We will eat no lamb, promised the multitude, seeking to retaliate; we will wear no mourning at funerals. We will none of us import British goods, said the traders in the towns. The inhabitants of North Carolina set up looms for weaving their own clothes, and South Carolina was ready to follow the example. The people, wrote the LieutenantGover-nor Sharpe, of Maryland, will go on upon manufactures. We will have homespun markets of linens and woollens, pa
William Livingston (search for this): chapter 14
set the example of wearing homespun. It will be accounted a virtue in them to wear a garment of their own spinning. A little attention to manufactures will make us ample amends for the distresses of the present day, and render us a great, rich, and happy people. Hutchinson's History. Pa. Gaz. N. Y. Gaz. Boston Gaz. Sharpe to Calvert, 10 July. Letter from Charleston, S. C. When the churchmen of New-York preached loyalty to the king as the Lord's anointed, The people, retorted William Livingston, are the Lord's anointed. Though named mob and rabble, the people are the darling of Providence. Was the Bible quoted as demanding deference to all in authority? This, it was insisted, is to add dulness to impiety. For chap. XIV.} 1765. June. tyranny, they cried, is no government; the gospel promises liberty, glorious liberty. The gospel, so preached Mayhew, of Boston, always, the gospel permits resistance. Sentinel, in N. Y. Gaz. Mayhew to Hollis. And then patriots wou
ites; or, rather, you are parricides. Boston Gaz. Otis's Considerations. N. Y. Gaz. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Power is a sad thing, said the Presbyterians of Philadelphia; our mother should remember we are children and not slaves. F. Alison to E. Stiles, 13 June. When all Israel saw that the king hearkened not unto them, such was the response of the Calvinists of the North, the people answered the king, saying: What portion have we in David? what inheritance in the son of Jesse? Have two men chosen to represent a poor borough in England, that has sold its votes to the highest bidder, any pretence to say that they represent Virginia or Pennsylvania? And have four hundred such fellows a right to take our liberties? F. Alison to E. Stiles. But it was argued again and again: Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, like America, return no members. Why, rejoined Otis, and his answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes
e rights. We have the rights of Englishmen, was the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men of our own condition. Hopkins, Bland, and others. Providence Gazette. If we are Englishmen, said one, on what footing is our property? The great Mr. Locke, said another, lays it down that no man has a right to that which another may take from him. And a third, proud of his respect for the law, sheltered himself under the words of the far-famed Coke: The Lord may tax his villain, high or low, but it is against the franchises of the land for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent in parliament. If the people in America are to be taxed by the representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an increasing evil, that must always grow greater by time. When the parliament once begins, such was the discourse at Boston, there is no drawing a line. And it is only the first step, repeated the New-Y
James Otis (search for this): chapter 14
s; you are parasites; or, rather, you are parricides. Boston Gaz. Otis's Considerations. N. Y. Gaz. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Powerrdy, whether George or Louis is the sovereign, if both are alike? Otis, and many others. The beast of burden, continued others, asks not whgham, and Sheffield, like America, return no members. Why, rejoined Otis, and his answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Reviewued, should have his vote. Ah, but, replied the royalists, holding Otis to his repeated concessions, you own that par- chap. XIV.} 1765. Jfor America, unless union could be perfected. Union was the hope of Otis—union that should knit and work into the very blood and bones of thetributed to the great result, we are to name the inspired madman, James Otis; and the magnanimous, unwavering lover of his country, Christophentry, Christopher Gadsden. Otis now seemed to himself to hear the prophetic song of the Sibyls, chanting the spring-time of a new empire.
Ezra Stiles (search for this): chapter 14
her, you are parricides. Boston Gaz. Otis's Considerations. N. Y. Gaz. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Power is a sad thing, said the Presbyterians of Philadelphia; our mother should remember we are children and not slaves. F. Alison to E. Stiles, 13 June. When all Israel saw that the king hearkened not unto them, such was the response of the Calvinists of the North, the people answered the king, saying: What portion have we in David? what inheritance in the son of Jesse? To your tentn chosen to represent a poor borough in England, that has sold its votes to the highest bidder, any pretence to say that they represent Virginia or Pennsylvania? And have four hundred such fellows a right to take our liberties? F. Alison to E. Stiles. But it was argued again and again: Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, like America, return no members. Why, rejoined Otis, and his answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes to the coloni
rs of New England. Are persons chosen for the representatives of London and Bristol, in like manner chosen to be the representatives of Philadelphia or Boston? Have two men chosen to represent a poor borough in England, that has sold its votes to the highest bidder, any pretence to say that they represent Virginia or Pennsylvania? And have four hundred such fellows a right to take our liberties? F. Alison to E. Stiles. But it was argued again and again: Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, like America, return no members. Why, rejoined Otis, and his answer won immediate applause in England, Monthly Review. why ring everlasting changes to the colonists on them? If they are not represented, they ought to be. Every man of a sound mind, he continued, should have his vote. Ah, but, replied the royalists, holding Otis to his repeated concessions, you own that par- chap. XIV.} 1765. June. liament is the supreme legislature; will you question its jurisdiction? And his an
Hutchinson (search for this): chapter 14
ffected. Letter of J. Adams. Boston Gazette. Hutchinson. Hist. III. Every where, from North to South—thron Gazette. N. Y. Gazette. Hopkins's Grievances. Hutchinson's Correspondence. R. R. Livingston's Corresponderogative court to be forfeited without a jury? Hutchinson's Correspondence. Boston Gazette. There is nand render us a great, rich, and happy people. Hutchinson's History. Pa. Gaz. N. Y. Gaz. Boston Gaz. Sharp Boston Gaz. Otis's Considerations. N. Y. Gaz. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Power is a sad thing, said act of parliament against common law is void. Hutchinson's Correspondence. Thus opinion was echoed fro, who had knowingly sold his lands twice over. Hutchinson to Gov. Pownall, 10 July, 1765. In this way, the rd of Trade branded it as mutinous. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Massachusetts had proceeded cautiouslyers who were friends to government. Bladen, in Hutchinson, III. 109. Virginia was ready to convince the
ed into execution. But far away towards the lands of the sun, the Assembly of South Carolina was in session; and on the twenty-fifth day of July, the circular from Massachusetts was debated. Many objections were made to the legality, the expediency, and most of all to the efficiency of the proposed measure; and many eloquent words were uttered, especially by the youthful John Rutledge, when the subject, on the deliberate resolve of a small majority, was referred to a committee, of which Gadsden was the chairman. He was a man of deep and clear convictions; thoroughly sincere; of an unbending will, and a sturdy, impetuous integrity, which drove those about him, like a mountain torrent dashing resistlessly on an over-shot wheel, though sometimes clogging with back water chap. XIV.} 1765 July. from its own violence. He possessed not only that courage which defies danger, but that persistence which neither peril, nor imprisonment, nor the threat of death can shake. Full of religio
nt Greece, and the words of Thucydides; we are the equals of those who remained behind. Americans hold equal rights with those in Britain, not as conceded privileges, but as inherent and indefeasible rights. We have the rights of Englishmen, was the common voice, and as such we are to be ruled by laws of our own making, and tried by men of our own condition. Hopkins, Bland, and others. Providence Gazette. If we are Englishmen, said one, on what footing is our property? The great Mr. Locke, said another, lays it down that no man has a right to that which another may take from him. And a third, proud of his respect for the law, sheltered himself under the words of the far-famed Coke: The Lord may tax his villain, high or low, but it is against the franchises of the land for freemen to be taxed but by their own consent in parliament. If the people in America are to be taxed by the representatives of the people in England, their malady, said Hopkins, of Rhode Island, is an in
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