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Gilbert Elliott (search for this): chapter 15
er with me, said he despondingly, and by a fatality I did not expect; and with grief and disappointment in his heart, he retired into Somersetshire. Let us see, said the ministers, if the duke of Cumberland will be desperate enough to form an administration without Pitt and Temple. Northington assured them, that they might remain in office if chap. XV.} 1765. June they chose. The most wary gave in their adhesion; even Charles Yorke went to Grenville and declared his support, and Gilbert Elliott did the like. Our cause is in your hands, said the Bedfords to Grenville, and you will do it justice. This was the moment of his greatest pride and political importance; he was at the head of the Treasury; he had defeated his sovereign's efforts to change the ministry; he was looked up to and owned by the Bedfords as their savior and protector. His ambition, his vanity, and his self — will were gratified. The king had been complaining in strong terms of July. the little business
Charles Thomson (search for this): chapter 15
s; and the duke of Cumberland was the last man in England to temporize with what he might think to be rebellion. The agents of the colonies seeing among the ministry some who had been their friends, took courage to solicit relief; but for many weeks Franklin That Franklin believed the Stamp Act would be carried into effect appears from the verbal remark to Ingersoll, attributed to him; from his conduct; and from his correspondence. Take, for example, this extract from his letter to Charles Thomson, never before correctly published: London, July 11th, 1765. * * *—--Depend upon it, my good neighbor, I took every step in my power to prevent the passing of the Stamp Act. Nobody could be more concerned in interest than myself to oppose it, sincerely and heartily. But the tide was too strong against us. The nation was provoked by American claims of Independence; and all parties joined in resolving by this act to settle the point. We might as well have hun- chap. XV.} 1765. Ju
g told of consulting Lord Bute. That his silence was a symptom of amendment, was Rigby's comment; for, said he, to hold one's tongue is honester than to falsify all one says. At the same time the king was resolved to interpret the discourse of Bedford as a resignation; though the colleagues of the duke were by no means disposed to retire, or to push matters so far as to provoke their dismissal. The thoroughly wise Grenville was expected to counterwork the king with Temple; for their reconciled aristocracy, desired to confirm. Here was an irreconcilable antagonism of opinion which was to divide them for the rest of their lives. On account of their difference on the American question, or from a perfidious concert with Grenville and Bedford, or for reasons that have remained unrevealed, Temple refused to take office. Pitt was alike surprised, wounded, and embarrassed. Lord Temple was his brother-in-law; had, in the time of his retiring from the office of paymaster, helped him wit
h a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If we can get rid of the former, we may easily get rid of the latter. This is not what Franklin wrote. To bear with kings and parliaments and to get rid of kings and parliaments, are very different things. Franklin was long-suffering, and waited some years yet before he advised to get rid of kings. He himself printed a part of this letter, but with amplifications, in the London Chronicle of Nov. 14 to 16, 1765, from which it was copied into Weyman's New-York Gazette of Feb. 3, and other papers. In all of them, as well as in the letter itself, the words are, bear the atter, and not, get rid of the latter. admitted no hope of success. An order in council Report of the Lords in Council, 26 July, 1765., sanctioned by the name, and apparently, by the advice of Lord Dartmouth—perhaps the worst order ever proposed by the Board of Trade, so bad that it was explained away by the crown lawyers as impossible to have been intended—permitted
Charles Yorke (search for this): chapter 15
the duke of Cumberland will be desperate enough to form an administration without Pitt and Temple. Northington assured them, that they might remain in office if chap. XV.} 1765. June they chose. The most wary gave in their adhesion; even Charles Yorke went to Grenville and declared his support, and Gilbert Elliott did the like. Our cause is in your hands, said the Bedfords to Grenville, and you will do it justice. This was the moment of his greatest pride and political importance; he waspersonal characters. The old duke of Newcastle was the type of the administration, though he took only the post of privy seal, with the patronage of the church. chap. XV.} 1765. July. The law adviser of its choice, as attorney general, was Charles Yorke, whose political principles coincided with those of Mansfield. Its mediator with the king was the duke of Cumberland, who had a seat in the cabinet as its protector. But younger men also came into power, giving hope for the future. In pl
Benjamin Franklin (search for this): chapter 15
he ministry some who had been their friends, took courage to solicit relief; but for many weeks Franklin That Franklin believed the Stamp Act would be carried into effect appears from the verbal reFranklin believed the Stamp Act would be carried into effect appears from the verbal remark to Ingersoll, attributed to him; from his conduct; and from his correspondence. Take, for example, this extract from his letter to Charles Thomson, never before correctly published: London, Jby Mr. Grimshaw and one of his friends. There is another version in circulation, which makes Franklin say: Idleness and pride tax with a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If we can get rid of the former, we may easily get rid of the latter. This is not what Franklin wrote. To bear with kings and parliaments and to get rid of kings and parliaments, are very different things. FrankliFranklin was long-suffering, and waited some years yet before he advised to get rid of kings. He himself printed a part of this letter, but with amplifications, in the London Chronicle of Nov. 14 to 16, 176
y introduced no system adapted to the age, no projects of reform; they gave no pledges in behalf of liberty, except such as might be found in the traditions of their party and their own personal characters. The old duke of Newcastle was the type of the administration, though he took only the post of privy seal, with the patronage of the church. chap. XV.} 1765. July. The law adviser of its choice, as attorney general, was Charles Yorke, whose political principles coincided with those of Mansfield. Its mediator with the king was the duke of Cumberland, who had a seat in the cabinet as its protector. But younger men also came into power, giving hope for the future. In place of Grenville, the able debater, the learned jurist, the post of head of the treasury was assigned to the marquis of Rockingham. He was an inexperienced man of five and thirty, possessing no great natural abilities, of a feeble constitution, and a nervous timidity which made him almost incapable of speaking i
Rockingham (search for this): chapter 15
one of the opposite party, and from a pension bestowed by Halifax. It was characteristic of that period for a man like Rockingham to hold for life a retainer like Edmund Burke; and never did a true-hearted, kindly and generous patron find a more fai The ministry would have restored Shelburne to the Presidency of the Board of Trade; but he excused himself, because Rockingham, on taking office, had given no pledges but as to men. Measures, not men, said Shelburne, will be the rule of my condus a coronet and prays. A peerage was conferred on Pratt, who took the chap. XV.} 1765. July. name of Camden; though Rockingham was averse to his advancement. But it was through Rockingham himself, that Lord George Sackville, who had been degradepeals to the privy council from any verdict given by any jury in the courts of New-York; while the Treasury Board, with Rockingham at its head, directed the attorney and solicitor general to prepare instruments for collecting in Canada, by the king's
opportunity of printing the above paragraph correctly, in Franklin's own words, I am indebted to Mrs. Chamberlain, of Newark, Delaware, who has the original in her possession. The copy was made for me, with the utmost exactness, by Mr. A. II. Grimshaw, of Wilmington, and carefully compared with the original by Mr. Grimshaw and one of his friends. There is another version in circulation, which makes Franklin say: Idleness and pride tax with a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If we Mr. Grimshaw and one of his friends. There is another version in circulation, which makes Franklin say: Idleness and pride tax with a heavier hand than kings and parliaments. If we can get rid of the former, we may easily get rid of the latter. This is not what Franklin wrote. To bear with kings and parliaments and to get rid of kings and parliaments, are very different things. Franklin was long-suffering, and waited some years yet before he advised to get rid of kings. He himself printed a part of this letter, but with amplifications, in the London Chronicle of Nov. 14 to 16, 1765, from which it was copied into Weyman's New-York Gazette of Feb. 3, and other papers.
an administration. On receiving the news by an express from Pitt, Temple broke confidence so far as privately to communicate its substance tpowers to dispose of him entirely as he should think fit. Meantime, Temple, with a predetermined mind, repaired on Monday to Pitt at Hayes. TPitt was resolved to abrogate as inconsistent with right, and which Temple, in common with the great body of the landed aristocracy, desired trenville and Bedford, or for reasons that have remained unrevealed, Temple refused to take office. Pitt was alike surprised, wounded, and emb5. June. The long discussion that ensued deeply affected both; but Temple inflexibly resisted Pitt's judgment, declaration, and most earnest urself, and on the people, and the peers, and your country. When Temple, on the morning of Tuesday, the twenty-second, received the visit owill be desperate enough to form an administration without Pitt and Temple. Northington assured them, that they might remain in office if c
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