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signified its disapproval of this proclamation public, opinion would applaud its conduct. On the other hand, if it showed any hesitation or delay in taking that course, he earnestly hoped that her Majesty's Government would gravely point out to them the necessity of vindication the national honor so foully stained.--(Hear, hear,) The honorable baronet concluded by moving for copies of any correspondence received from our Minister at Washington relating to Gen. Butler's proclamation. Mr. Gregory was not surprised that such a motion should have been placed on the paper relative to the proclamation they were now considering.--The course which had been pursued in regard to it was neither improper nor unusual. The honorable baronet had quoted certain precedents; but he need not go further than the discussions which had taken place in that and the other House of Parliament to show that when a great act of inhumanity had been committed by a foreign nation they were perfectly justified
Warwick Beauregard (search for this): article 3
who had raised himself to the rank of General is a subject undoubtedly of not less astonishment than pain. (Cheers,) Sir, I cannot bring myself to behave but that the Government of the United States, whenever they had notice of this order, must of their own accord have stamped it with their censure and condemnation. (Hear, hear.) We received yesterday a dispatch from Lord Lyons, communicating from the newspapers the paragraph read by the honorable baronet — namely, the order of General Beauregard animadverting on, and giving the text of, the proclamation to which reference has been made. There will be no objection to produce that paper. With regard to the course which her Majesty's Government may, upon consideration, take on the subject, the House, I trust, will allow me to say that will be a matter for reflection. (Cheers.) I am quite persuaded that there is no man in England who does not share those feelings which have been so well expressed by the honorable baronet
ously in the middle of July--and in the event of the North refusing to accept the intervention, the European Powers will immediately acknowledge the independence of the revolutionary States, and will also consider what further action it may be necessary and proper to take in the premises. These views are confirmed by the tone of the French and English press, as well as by the full reports of the debates in the British Parliament. The London Post, the organ of Lord Palmerston and of Count Persigny, in an article dated June 14, has the following very suggestive observations: "It is a matter of astonishment that long ere this some demand has not been made upon the Government to take some steps towards effecting a cessation of hostilities which have proved so disastrous in their consequences to this nation. The time may come, and that shortly, when it will become the paramount duty of neutral States to interpose; but now, as at the commencement of the war, they are undoubtedly
June 14th (search for this): article 3
urope.Foreign intervention.speeches in Parliament.Butler's proclamation.the British press on intervention.&c., &c., &c., &c., The New York papers to the 27th (one day later) contain the details of the foreign news by the Arabia from London, June 14th. They are very important, much more so than the telegraphic summary before published would have led us to believe. The following editorial in the Herald will show with what solicitude that paper regards the present attitude of foreign powers remises. These views are confirmed by the tone of the French and English press, as well as by the full reports of the debates in the British Parliament. The London Post, the organ of Lord Palmerston and of Count Persigny, in an article dated June 14, has the following very suggestive observations: "It is a matter of astonishment that long ere this some demand has not been made upon the Government to take some steps towards effecting a cessation of hostilities which have proved so disas
June 27th (search for this): article 3
rvention.&c., &c., &c., &c., The New York papers to the 27th (one day later) contain the details of the foreign news by the Arabia from London, June 14th. They are very important, much more so than the telegraphic summary before published would have led us to believe. The following editorial in the Herald will show with what solicitude that paper regards the present attitude of foreign powers relative to intervention: British insolence and American Power. [From the New York Herald, June 27] The details of the news by the Arabia are of a much more decided character than the telegraphic summary which we published on Wednesday seemed to indicate. Our Paris correspondence, too, throws great additional light upon the movements now going on in France and England. It appears that the programme is, that France will take the lead in the "mediation" or intervention scheme for the settlement of the civil war in America, while England secretly pledges her moral, and if necessary, h
physical, support; that the basis of the intervention is to be, if not separation as a sinc qua non, at least a decision of the question by the votes of the people of the Southern States, each State to determine for itself what is to be its future connection — whether with the Northern States or the Southern Confederacy--and that, to carry out this arrangement, an armistice should take place for six months--the proposition to be made at Richmond and Washington simultaneously in the middle of July--and in the event of the North refusing to accept the intervention, the European Powers will immediately acknowledge the independence of the revolutionary States, and will also consider what further action it may be necessary and proper to take in the premises. These views are confirmed by the tone of the French and English press, as well as by the full reports of the debates in the British Parliament. The London Post, the organ of Lord Palmerston and of Count Persigny, in an article da
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