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Martin Buren (search for this): chapter 5
n supporter of Taylor. Webster, after some dalliance with the movement, was keeping aloof from it. Judge McLean, whose nomination was most favored by those who had been Whigs hitherto, withdrew his name at the last moment. Giddings distrusted Judge McLean, believing he had no heart in the political movement against slavery; he was not alone in this distrust. Letter to Sumner, June 2, 1847. These Whig names being out of the question, the only alternative was the nomination of Ex-President Martin Van Buren, who was urged by the well-organized delegation from New York. As a Democrat, he had shown himself to be an intense partisan; and on two occasions as President he had given just offence to the antislavery sentiment of the free States. But in subserviency to the South he was not a marked exception among the public men of his time, and one of his acts was to his credit. He had refused as President to promote the annexation of Texas in any way involving war with mexico,—an exhib
Preston King (search for this): chapter 5
nominations. Over this body Salmon P. Chase presided. The men marked as leaders were Chase, Giddings, and Samuel Lewis of Ohio; Adams of Massachusetts; and Preston King, Benjamin F. Butler, D. D. Field, and Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. Both the nominating body and the mass meeting were animated by a profound earnestness. Aassociations with some leading Barnburners,—as with Theodore Sedgwick, H. B. Stanton, and D. D. Field; and after the nomination John Bigelow, S. J. Tilden, and Preston King were his correspondents. State conventions and ratification meetings of the new party now known as the Free Soil party, or Free Democracy, Sumner preferr. Sumner urged, in correspondence with Free Soilers in New York and Ohio, co-operation in issuing a national address, and received replies from Field, Tilden, and King of New York, and from Giddings. In the early part of the year Sumner thought that General Taylor could not command the votes of the Northern Whigs. He was qui
Samuel Lewis (search for this): chapter 5
even as high as forty thousand. C. F. Adams was called to the chair. A part of the delegates had been chosen with method, and with deference to a fair apportionment; but the greater number were chosen irregularly, or came as volunteers. With some difficulty there was eliminated from the mass a representative body of delegates or conferees, from which proceeded the resolutions and nominations. Over this body Salmon P. Chase presided. The men marked as leaders were Chase, Giddings, and Samuel Lewis of Ohio; Adams of Massachusetts; and Preston King, Benjamin F. Butler, D. D. Field, and Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. Both the nominating body and the mass meeting were animated by a profound earnestness. A religious fervor pervaded the resolutions and addresses. The speakers asserted fundamental rights and universal obligations, and in their appeals and asseverations sought the sanctions of the Christian faith. Julian's Political Recollections, pp. 60, 61. Regular meetings were he
John Quincy Adams (search for this): chapter 5
I rejoice in Mr. Giddings's success. His re-election to Congress as the Free Soil candidate. His constituents should be proud of him. There is no man in the House of Representatives who deserves so well of the country. I remember John Quincy Adams said to me, as he lay on his sick-bed in Boston, after he was struck with that paralysis which at Washington closed his life, that he looked to Mr. Giddings with more interest than to any other member of the House. He placed him foremost it is no longer the third party. I have spoken a great deal, usually to large audiences, and with a certain effect. As a necessary consequence I have been a mark for abuse. I have been attacked bitterly; but I have consoled myself by what John Quincy Adams said to me during the last year of his life: No man is abused whose influence is not felt. To John Jay, December 5:— Surely our good cause of freedom is much advanced. I do hope that at last there will be a party that does believ
Nathan Appleton (search for this): chapter 5
nd traffickers of New England; between the lords of the lash and the lords of the loom,—led to a correspondence with Nathan Appleton, in which that gentleman, supposing himself to be one of the persons referred to, insisted upon Sumner giving his pred that Mr. Choate was for Taylor, and implied that John Davis and Governor Lincoln were of the same way of thinking. Mr. Appleton rejoined at length and with spirit, denying any secrecy or conspiracy,— admitting that for a year he had been in favorwere diligently preparing the way for Taylor's nomination. This was the secret influence to which Sumner referred. Mr. Appleton in his letter denounced Allen's and Wilson's conduct at the Philadelphia convention as the most disgraceful piece of pence with an old friend, Samuel Lawrence, occurred later in the canvass, which was even more unpleasant than that with Mr. Appleton. A year before, when lecturing at Lowell, he had been invited by Mr. Lawrence to be his guest. Their early friends
John A. Andrew (search for this): chapter 5
0-146. He introduced as speakers R. H. Dana, Jr., D. D. Field, and Joshua Leavitt, who had been delegates at Buffalo. A series of resolutions was read by John A. Andrew. The Free Soil State convention met at Tremont Temple in Boston, September 6. Sumner was present at the preliminary caucus in that city, speaking briefly,lity; and it is interesting to observe how many of them came to the front before or during the Civil War,—Sumner, Adams, Wilson, Burlingame, Dana, E. R. Hoar, and Andrew. Among the younger Free Soilers were George F. Hoar, Henry L. Pierce, John A. Kasson, and Marcus Morton, Jr, the last of whom became chief-justice of the Supremethe Republicans, who twelve years later made him President. By a curious turn of politics, the men whom he came to Massachusetts to oppose—Sumner, Adams, Wilson, Andrew, Dana, and Burhngame—became his supporters in the election of 1860 and during his Presidency; while the foremost of the Whig leaders whom he came to assist were o<
Charles Lowell (search for this): chapter 5
eptember 14, and at other dates at Plymouth, Roxbury, Somerville, Chelsea, Milford, Newburyport, Dorchester, Amherst, Pittsfield, Great Barrington, Adams, Stockbridge, Chicopee, Springfield, Lynn, Salem, Brookline, Nantucket, Fall River, Taunton, Lowell, Fitchburg, Dedham, Canton, Worcester, and Cambridge. and on October 31 at Faneuil Hall. The speech was not written out, and no report is preserved He wrote a summary of points on a single sheet, which is preserved, and he had always with himhiefly directed against the Free Soilers, appeared in the Boston Advertiser, September 14. He was in or near Boston a week. speaking twice in the city (once in company with Seward at Faneuil Hall), and also at Dedham, Dorchester, Cambridge, and Lowell. His speech was not on a high level, and gave no promise of leadership in the antislavery conflict. Seward's more serious treatment of the slavery question on the evening they spoke together started a train of reflections in the mind of the fut
John Gorham Palfrey (search for this): chapter 5
ke without hesitation or regret. He wrote to Palfrey, April 23, 1848:— There is a movement a Early in the day Sumner read a letter from Dr. Palfrey (then in Congress) approving the objects oflavery finally prevailed? Sumner wrote to Palfrey, June 8:— The news has come by telegrapmade the principal speech; Sumner wrote to Palfrey of this meeting: It was the most remarkable p. The address was not his own composition; Palfrey was its reputed author. The Free Soilers of opening before him. After dinner we called on Palfrey. Sept. 17. Sumner passed the afternoon wiing offenders, —Adams, Sumner, Allen, Wilson, Palfrey, Keyes, and Bird. The Webster Whigs in 185pearance, and selfishness that of his action; Palfrey was a Judas; Sumner, a transcendental lawyer. Adams, Sumner, and Palfrey were styled The Mutual Admiration Society, or Charles Sumner & Co., wirned. He is sure to succeed another time. Palfrey failed to secure a majority, and his Whig opp[2 more...
Thomas Corwin (search for this): chapter 5
g sectional agitation; and in the North, Whig politicians accepted it as a, device for keeping the peace within the party. Webster earnestly advocated it; Speeches of March 1, 1847, and March 23, 1848. Webster's Works, vol. v. pp. 253, 271. Corwin gave it later his sanction as a way of avoiding a direct issue on the Wilmot Proviso; At Carthage, Ohio, September, 1847. Boston Whig, Oct. 7, 1847. Winthrop in the House supported it; Feb. 22, 1847. Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. p. 589spire confidence and enthusiasm, without exciting the prejudice of voters formerly acting with either of the two leading parties. The candidacy did not promise immediate success, and therefore did not attract statesmen with an assured position. Corwin, to whom Giddings, Sumner, and other antislavery men had turned with high expectations, was now an open supporter of Taylor. Webster, after some dalliance with the movement, was keeping aloof from it. Judge McLean, whose nomination was most favo
Boston Atlas (search for this): chapter 5
ing a renegade. Their organ in Boston was the Atlas, a journal intensely partisan, the columns of in a body, and assailing their positions, the Atlas (the articles bearing the ear-marks of anotherand in consequence he was obliged to leave the Atlas in the spring of 1853, and later in the same yion, and cormorant appetite for office. See Atlas in 1848 for February 10; June 19, 22; July 3, State. To this charge he replied in a letter,—Atlas, October 16; Advertiser, October 18. The Adveile refraining from the coarse epithets of the Atlas, gave to its arguments against the new party aanized on the basis of antislavery ideas. The Atlas denounced the new party as sectional, and promnames of Washington and Taylor (printed in the Atlas, February 25), saying that Taylor, if nominatese of the letter. Mr. Lawrence authorized the Atlas to state that Sumner had perverted the languagnization. Sumner, by a letter to the Boston Atlas, Oct. 1, 1849, met certain criticisms upon his
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