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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. Search the whole document.

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Rawlins Lowndes (search for this): chapter 6
chamber, and, after a formal speech, gave it a negative, not only for the change which it would effect in the manner of choosing one branch of the legislature, but also because it took from the chief of the executive his veto power. The majority, soon recovering from their consternation, determined to vote no taxes until the veto should be reversed. After a three days Chap. V.} 1778. adjournment, which was required by the rules before a rejected bill could be again brought forward, Rawlins Lowndes, the newly elected president, gave his sanction to the re-enacted bill. Richard Hutson to George Bryan, from Charleston, S. C., 14 March, 1778. John Rutledge to Henry Laurens, 16 Feb., 1778, and 8 March, 1778. In F. Moore's Materials for History, 94, 103-106. Ramsay's History of South Carolina, i. 129-138. The new constitution might be altered by legislative authority after a notice of ninety days. None but freeholders could elect or be elected to office; and for the higher of
Conway (search for this): chapter 6
to collect its energies for official action. If British statesmen are blamed for not suffering her colonies to go free without a war, it must yet be confessed that the war grew by a kind of necessity out of the hundred years contest with the crown for the bulwark of English freedom. But now Fox would have England instantly declare their independence; Donne, II. 154, 17 March, 1778. Pownall, who had once defended the Stamp Act, urged their recognition; Almon's Debates, IX. 60. and Conway broke through his reserve, and said in Chap. V.} 1778. parliament: It has been proved to demonstration that there is no other method of having peace with them but acknowledging them to be, what they really are, and what they are determined to remain, independent states. The house of commons seemed secretly to agree with him. Almon's Debates, IX. 69. Tories began to vote against the ministry. Correspondence of C. J. Fox, i. 168. The secretary of war, Lord Barrington, said to the king:
George Germain (search for this): chapter 6
r path, was lightly esteemed. Haldimand to Germain, 15 Sept., 1779. Brandt was not at Wyoming. had burned a thousand houses and every mill; Germain in reply extolled their prowess and even their humanity, Lord George Germain to Sir Clinton, 4 Nov., 1778. and resolved on directing a succesninth of July, while Clinton was reporting to Germain that he would probably be under the necessitytiring to Halifax, Sir H. Clinton to Lord George Germain, 27 July, 1778. the French fleet, with o the king to disavow the declaration. Lord George Germain defended it, insisting that the Americahe states to the south of the Susquehanna. Germain to Clinton, 8 March, 1778. For this end the B. Lord Carlisle and other commissioners to Germain, New York, 5 Sept., 1778. Sir Henry Clinton t York and to retire to Halifax, Clinton to Germain, 27 July, 1778. remonstrated against being ree might render serious service. Clinton to Germain, 8 Oct., 1778. Every detachment for the south[1 more...]
Fitzpatrick (search for this): chapter 6
lity of the nation must see it first in that light. Donne, II. 118. Lord Rockingham was convinced himself and desired to convince the public of the impossibility of going on with the war. Chat. Cor., IV. 488. Donne, II. 123. On the second of February, Fox spoke against its continuance, went over the whole of the American business, and was heard with favor. The ministers said not one word in reply; and on the division several tories voted with him. Donne, II. 123. C. J. Fox to Mr. Fitzpatrick, in Correspondence of C. J. Fox, i. 168. English opinion had by this time resigned itself to the belief that the United States could not be reduced; but as a massive fountain, when its waters are first let loose, rises slowly to its full height, so the mind of parliament needed time to collect its energies for official action. If British statesmen are blamed for not suffering her colonies to go free without a war, it must yet be confessed that the war grew by a kind of necessity out of
H. Clinton (search for this): chapter 6
divisions, he sent Greene to command the one, and Lafayette the other. Young Laurens served d'estaing as aid and interpreter. On the twenty-ninth of July, while Clinton was reporting to Germain that he would probably be under the necessity of evacuating New York and retiring to Halifax, Sir H. Clinton to Lord George Germain, 2y men; the Americans, forty-nine less. On the night following the thirtieth, the army of Sullivan, evading 30. its sluggish pursuers, withdrew from the island. Clinton, with a re-enforcement of four thousand men, landed the day after the escape. 31. The British general returned to New York, having Sept. accomplished nothing,dependence, when in truth independence was become the only way to peace. The menaces of the proclamation were a confession of weakness. The British army under Clinton could hold no part of the country, and only ravage and destroy by sudden expeditions. Towards the end of Sept. September Cornwallis led a foray into New Jersey;
Robert Howe (search for this): chapter 6
lmost every one, gave up the expectation that England would be able to enforce the dependence of the colonies. he agreed that, Chap. V.} 1778. since the substance of power was lost, the name of independence might be granted to the Americans. General Howe coupled his retirement from active service with the avowal that the disposable resources of his country could produce no decisive result. Things go ill, and will not go better, wrote the chief of the new commission for establishing peace. The successor of General Howe reported himself too weak to attempt the restoration of the king's authority. Germain had no plan for the coming campaign but to lay the colonies waste. The prime minister, who had been at the head of affairs from 1770, owned in anguish the failure of his system, and deplored its continuance. Should the Americans ratify the French alliance, Lord Amherst, who was the guide of the ministry in the conduct of the war, recommended the evacuation of New York and Rhode Is
Christ (search for this): chapter 6
fury of his manner, no quarter ought to be shown to their congress; and, if the infernals could be let loose against them, I should approve of the measure. The proclamation certainly does mean a war of desolation: it can mean nothing else. Gibbon divided silently with the friends of America, who had with them the judgment, though not the vote, of the house. Three days later Rockingham denounced the accursed manifesto in the house of Chap. V.} 1778. lords, saying that since the coming of Christ war had not been conducted on such inhuman ideas. Lord Suffolk, in reply, appealed to the bench of bishops; on which the Bishop of Peterborough traced the resemblance between the proclamation and the acts of Butler at Wyoming. He added: There is an article in the extraordinaries of the army for scalping-knives. Great Britain defeats any hope in the justness of her cause by means like these to support it. The debate closed well for America, except that Lord Shelburne was provoked into say
Richard Hutson (search for this): chapter 6
would effect in the manner of choosing one branch of the legislature, but also because it took from the chief of the executive his veto power. The majority, soon recovering from their consternation, determined to vote no taxes until the veto should be reversed. After a three days Chap. V.} 1778. adjournment, which was required by the rules before a rejected bill could be again brought forward, Rawlins Lowndes, the newly elected president, gave his sanction to the re-enacted bill. Richard Hutson to George Bryan, from Charleston, S. C., 14 March, 1778. John Rutledge to Henry Laurens, 16 Feb., 1778, and 8 March, 1778. In F. Moore's Materials for History, 94, 103-106. Ramsay's History of South Carolina, i. 129-138. The new constitution might be altered by legislative authority after a notice of ninety days. None but freeholders could elect or be elected to office; and for the higher offices the possession of a large freehold was required. In any redistribution of the repres
August 6th (search for this): chapter 6
ve hundred land troops on board, appeared off Newport, and the British saw themselves forced to destroy ten or more armed ships and galleys, carrying two hundred and twelve guns. The country was palpitating with joy at the al- Chap. V.} 1778. Aug. 6. liance with France. Congress on Sunday the sixth of August, with studied ceremony, gave its audience of reception to Gerard de Rayneval, the French plenipotentiary, listened to his assurances of the affection of his king for the United States asixth of August, with studied ceremony, gave its audience of reception to Gerard de Rayneval, the French plenipotentiary, listened to his assurances of the affection of his king for the United States and for each one of them, and acknowledged the hand of a gracious Providence in raising them up so powerful a friend. At Headquarters there seemed to be a hundred chances to one in favor of capturing the garrison on Rhode Island, and thus ending British pretensions to sovereignty over America. Robert Livingston expressed the hope that congress, in treating for peace, would insist on having Canada, Hudson's Bay, the Floridas, and all the continent independent. On the eighth the French fleet,
24th (search for this): chapter 6
unds of a cannon-ball before it comes to rest. On the second of July, the president and several members of congress met once more in Philadelphia. On the ninth, the articles of confederation, engrossed 9. on parchment, were signed by eight states. On the tenth, congress issued a circular to the other five, 10. urging them to conclude the glorious compact which was to unite the strength, wealth, and councils of the whole. North Carolina acceded on the twenty-first; Georgia, on the twenty-fourth. New 21. Jersey demanded for the United States the regula- 24. tion of trade and the ownership of the ungranted north-western domain: but, after unassisted efforts for a more efficient union, the state, on the twentyfifth of the following November, accepted the confederacy without amendment; and on the fifth of May, 1779, the delegates of Delaware did the same. Maryland, which was on all sides precisely limited by its charter,—while Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, and
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