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Salmon P. Chase (search for this): chapter 5
legates or conferees, from which proceeded the resolutions and nominations. Over this body Salmon P. Chase presided. The men marked as leaders were Chase, Giddings, and Samuel Lewis of Ohio; AdamsChase, Giddings, and Samuel Lewis of Ohio; Adams of Massachusetts; and Preston King, Benjamin F. Butler, D. D. Field, and Samuel J. Tilden, of New York. Both the nominating body and the mass meeting were animated by a profound earnestness. A relement. New York Tribune, September 6, 1848. The resolutions, which were prepared chiefly by Chase, assisted by Butler and Adams, while accepting constitutional limitations which excluded interfetober 31; November 2, 11, 13, 20, 21; December 14. The same paper, Sept. 6. 1849. applied to Mr. Chase, afterwards chief-justice, the epithet of Joseph Surface. In the issues of October 12, 13, 16 Democratic judges, in the repeal of the infamous laws against negroes, and the election of Salmon P. Chase to the Senate. Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power, vol. II. p. 338. Similar co-o
Abbott Lawrence (search for this): chapter 5
resident, which resulted in the defeat of Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and the success, by a showing leanings to Taylor for President and Lawrence for Vice-President. Their real sympathics werge vote—almost a majority— which was given to Lawrence as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, and iow. I wish you were here. It is said that Mr. Lawrence will be ousted from the Vice-Presidential cspaper statements and other evidence—that Abbott Lawrence, and other active and influential politiccount of a conversation between himself and Mr. Lawrence late one evening at the latter's house ten days before the convention, in which Mr. Lawrence predicted the nomination of General Taylor, and juwhom the Whigs could elect. He stated that Mr. Lawrence's preference for Taylor dated as far back aplace on the ticket with General Taylor. Mr. Lawrence, Feb. 17, 1848, wrote a letter to a Taylor associating with his candidacy the name of Mr. Lawrence, though not coming forward in conventions. <
Political Recollections (search for this): chapter 5
earnestness. A religious fervor pervaded the resolutions and addresses. The speakers asserted fundamental rights and universal obligations, and in their appeals and asseverations sought the sanctions of the Christian faith. Julian's Political Recollections, pp. 60, 61. Regular meetings were held in the Park under the tent in the early morning of each day of the session, at which prayers were offered for the freedom of all men, and passages of Scripture read which were appropriate to the mo They set up the claim that theirs was the true Free Soil or antislavery party, and denounced the Free Soilers who had left them, as renegades and apostates, and in some parts of the North invoked against them the mob spirit. Julian's Political Recollections, pp. 64, 65. They seemed to have a peculiar antipathy to those who remained loyal to the faith they themselves had once professed. In Massachusetts they spared no terms of reproach against their former allies, paying hardly any attentio
Charles Allen (search for this): chapter 5
itories. Two delegates from Massachusetts—Charles Allen and Henry Wilson—announced, amidst demonstable view of Webster at this time. Wilson and Allen voted for him in the convention at Philadelphint of General Taylor's nomination. Wilson and Allen were joined at Philadelphia by thirteen Thessed their constituents,—Wilson by letter, and Allen in person,—both reviewing the proceedings at P4, 1852). The meeting. which was addressed by Allen, passed a resolution which deserves a perpetuaonvention at Buffalo. Among the speakers were Allen, Wilson, Amasa Walker, Joshua Leavitt, Adams, of the meeting, and moved a vote of thanks to Allen and Wilson. His speech at the City Hall in thre Samuel and E. R. Hoar. father and son. Charles Allen, of Worcester, by his personal influence a Saw Sumner surrounded by his captains, Adams, Allen, and Phillips They are in great fervor touchinhere are few who deserve them more. To Charles Allen, Jan. 3, 1849:— I cannot forbear exp[4 mor
John C. Vaughan (search for this): chapter 5
any candidate not distinctly committed against the extension of slavery, should be nominated at Philadelphia to enter at once upon an organized opposition to his election, and to call a State convention for the purpose. At a later meeting, June 5, they approved a form of call prepared by E. R. Hoar, and agreed to issue it in the event of General Taylor's nomination. Wilson and Allen were joined at Philadelphia by thirteen The last survivors of the fifteen were Stanley Matthews and John C. Vaughan, both of Ohio. The former died in 1889, and the latter died in Cincinnati in 1892. other delegates, who approved their public protest against General Taylor's nomination, and it was decided to call a national convention to be held at Buffalo in August. The two protesting delegates from Massachusetts upon their return home addressed their constituents,—Wilson by letter, and Allen in person,—both reviewing the proceedings at Philadelphia, and summoning the people to reject them. Bost
William Pitt Fessenden (search for this): chapter 5
issued, with a list of signers, in which Adams's name stood first and Sumner's second. It invited the citizens of Massachusetts who were opposed to the nomination of Cass and Taylor to meet at Worcester, June 28, to take such steps as the occasion shall demand—in support of the principles to which they are pledged, and to co-operate with the other free States in a convention for this purpose. Sumner took an active part in obtaining the speakers, Among those whom he invited were William Pitt Fessenden, who, however, decided to support Taylor. and making other preparations for the convention. Five thousand people answered to the call. It was an assembly distinguished for that loyalty to moral principle which has been the life and glory of New England. Finding no hall large enough, the multitude thronged upon the Common. The venerable Samuel Hoar, whose name is associated with the mission to South Carolina for the protection of the colored seamen of Massachusetts, was called to
John Davis (search for this): chapter 5
red. It passed the House with the general support of both Northern Whigs and Democrats, but a vote was prevented in the Senate by the unseasonable loquacity of John Davis of Massachusetts, who was still talking when the session expired. Von Holst, vol. III. pp. 287-289. Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as Davis's long speech was certainly a ridiculous folly as well as a grave mistake. The struggle was renewed at the next session, 1846-1847, on appropriation bills providing the means for negotiating a treaty; but though the Proviso at different times passed the House, in which the Northern members were largely in a majority, it was as often rejected in the Senate, which was more equally df General Taylor, and justified it as the only one likely to succeed; admitted his part in promoting it; stated that Mr. Choate was for Taylor, and implied that John Davis and Governor Lincoln were of the same way of thinking. Mr. Appleton rejoined at length and with spirit, denying any secrecy or conspiracy,— admitting that for
Kavanagh (search for this): chapter 5
er made a Free Soil speech [in Cambridge]. Ah me! in such an assembly! It was like one of Beethoven's symphonies played in a saw-mill! He spoke admirably well; but the shouts and the hisses and the vulgar interruptions grated on my ears. I was glad to get away. Oct. 29. Sumner. His letter accepting the nomination of the Free Soil party as candidate for Congress is very good. Now he is submerged in politics. A strong swimmer,—may he land safely! Nov. 9. In the evening finished Kavanagh. Sumner came in just as I wrote the last word. The Free Soil party of the Boston district nominated Sumner for Congress. The convention was unanimous, and no other name than his was considered. His early formed resolution not to be a candidate for any political office was known to the delegates, but the emergency was thought to be one which required him to forego his personal wishes, and was urged in the letter which communicated to him the nomination. He did not feel at liberty to
John Allison (search for this): chapter 5
e pro-slavery position saw that there was something formidable in a movement so profoundly earnest and so wisely directed. A. H. Stephens's Life, by Johnston and Browne, pp. 236-237. Notwithstanding General Taylor's slaveholding interests and associations, and the type of Southern politicians who had promoted his candidacy, large numbers of antislavery Whigs finally gave him their votes, relying on his declarations in general terms against the exercise of the veto power, Letter to Allison, April 22, 1848. He declined to make the declaration specific as to the Wilmot Proviso. and upon certain qualities which in popular estimation belonged to him. He was indeed a man whose character was marked by moderation, sincerity, and firmness. His nature was alien to political intrigue. He was truly patriotic, loyal to the Union, and looked with aversion upon those who threatened its disruption in any event or upon any pretext. He had not turned his thoughts to the vital question of
Whig (search for this): chapter 5
Lowell Courier was not far behind in this generous use of billingsgate. Altogether it was a disreputable period in Boston journalism, such as has never been known since. Seceders from a party must not expect soft words from former associates; but the Whig journals of Boston at that time exceeded the limits of decent criticism, and undertook to enforce a discipline inconsistent with individual liberty. In contrast with their vindictiveness was the course of the New York Tribune, the representative Whig journal of the United States, which treated the Free Soil leaders with uniform respect and charity. It was the fashion of the time to invoke the sentiment of national unity against a party organized on the basis of antislavery ideas. The Atlas denounced the new party as sectional, and promoting disunion, and said the South ought not to submit to its policy, August 26; November 13. though the editor became eight years later an earnest supporter of the Republican party, to which
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