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and Georgia, receive one peck of Indian meal per week. On the turpentine plantations some bosses allow, in addition, one quart of molasses and five pounds of pork; others, one quart of molasses and three pounds of pork; others, again, two or two and a half pounds of pork, minus the molasses. On many plantations the slaves are allowed one peck of meal a week without any other provisions. In such cases, I believe, they are generally permitted to keep poultry, whose eggs they dispose of on Sundays or at night, and with the money buy pork or vegetables. They bake the meal into cakes or dumplings, or make mush with it. One peck of meal is as much as any one person can consume in a week. No slave ever complained to me of the quantity of his allowance. Several who received no pork, or only two pounds a fortnight, complained that We's not ‘nuf fed, mass'r, for de work da takes out on us; and others, again, said that the sameness of the diet was sickening. Everywhere, however, the slav
t down beside mine, and we gets married dat-a-way! Do ministers never marry you? Yes, mass'r, sometimes; but not of'en. Mass'r, has you got a chaw of ‘bacca? I never yet gave a chaw of ‘bacca without accompanying it with a revolutionary truth. John Bunyan, I remember, gave a text with his alms. The Fugitive slave act. The South has proclaimed the right of any Northern State to pass a Personal Liberty Law — to annul the Fugitive Slave Act! In the Resolutions of ‘98, and in 1829, Virginia proclaimed that Each State has the right to construe the federal compact for itself. If, therefore, a Northern State believes that the Constitution does not warrant a fugitive slave act, of course it has the right, and it is its duty, to protect the panting fugitive by a Personal Liberty Law! So, too, South Carolina. In 1830 she said: The government created by the Constitutional compact was not made the exclusive and final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itse
South has proclaimed the right of any Northern State to pass a Personal Liberty Law — to annul the Fugitive Slave Act! In the Resolutions of ‘98, and in 1829, Virginia proclaimed that Each State has the right to construe the federal compact for itself. If, therefore, a Northern State believes that the Constitution does not warrant a fugitive slave act, of course it has the right, and it is its duty, to protect the panting fugitive by a Personal Liberty Law! So, too, South Carolina. In 1830 she said: The government created by the Constitutional compact was not made the exclusive and final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; but, as in all other cases of compact between parties, having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress. Whenever any State, which is suffering under this oppression, shall lose all reasonable hope of redress from the wisdom and justice of the Federal
September 28th (search for this): chapter 5
these days, said the Washington Union--the organ of the Cabinet — quite recently, after publishing ten mortal columns of the most profitable kind of government advertisements. Well, be it so; every man to his taste! Vi. North Carolina. Wagoner talk with a young slave afraid of the Abolitionists the axeman discontent arm the slaves! murder and torture of slaves work! work! work! about clothing, etc a plan of Emancipation, I continue my extracts from my Diary: September 28.--At Weldon. This morning I took a walk in the woods. A colored man, driving a horse and wagon, was approaching. I accosted him and got into the wagon. We soon began to talk about slavery. Afraid of the Abolitionists. He said that he had often seen me within the last few days, and that the people in this district were very much afraid of the abolitionists coming down here and advising the negroes to run away. Whenever a stranger came here, they asked one another who he was, a
September 23rd (search for this): chapter 5
fish and game, and poultry and eggs. They had no care of the morrow; all their thinking he did for them. He admitted that Virginia would have been better off if never a negro had come there. Nearly all the slaveholders admit that fact. How to get rid of it — that is the mountain they all see, without industry or genius — alas! also, without even the desire to remove it. But it must be removed, or it will fall--and great will be the fall of it! The Slaveocracy and the poor. Sept. 23.--I slept at the house of a petty farmer, a few miles from Petersburg. We talked about slavery. He has no slaves. He is a Virginian by birth. He owns about two hundred acres of land, which he cultivates with his family's assistance. In this State, or in this section of it, two hundred acres are hardly accounted a farm. Five thousand and six thousand acre farms are very common. The farmer, his wife, his daughter and son-in-law agreed in saying, that the poor people of Virginia are loo
September 25th (search for this): chapter 5
e non-slaveholders here are secret abolitionists. I walked as far as Weldon, North Carolina, from Petersburg, and there I took the cars for Wilmington. On the road I had a talk with a Virginia slave, which I reserve for another chapter. Ii. Virginia. Talk with a Virginia slave Contentment with slavery treatment of slaves on plantations an unbelieving negro Canada negroes treatment of Free negroes North and South concerning linen, Talk with a Virginia slave. September 25.--Thirty-three miles south of Petersburg. In walking near the railroad, I met a man of color. What time do you think it is? I asked. The sun is up ‘bout half an hour, he said, politely touching his hat. At what hour does the sun rise just now? Dunno, mass'r. How old are you? Forty-five year old, mass'r. Are you married? Yes, mass'r, I is. Have you got any children? Yes, mass'r I's got five. Did you ever try to run away? No, mass'r, I neber did.
Power, let us bring it on its knees first! And there is but one way of doing that: by attacking it where it is weakest--at home. The slave quarter is the Achilles' heel of the South. Wound it there and it dies! One insurrection in Virginia, in 1832, did more for the emancipation cause, than all the teachings of the Revolutionary Fathers. What if, in such rising, a few lives are lost? What are a few hundred lives even, as compared with the liberties of four millions of men? I have no ill-fle-page tells us, published by request. It is a genuine Virginia volume, as the names of the authors, printers, publishers, and the amazingly clumsy appearance of it, prove. These speeches were delivered in the House of Delegates of Virginia, in 1832, by the leading politicians of the State, shortly after the celebrated insurrection, or massacre (as the slaveholders style it) of Southampton — a period of intense excitement, when abolition was the order of the day, even in the stony-hearted Old
September, 1854 AD (search for this): chapter 5
become the victims of Saxon vengeance, after the event, if one man only survived to relate how his race heroically fell, and to enjoy the freedom they had won, the liberty of that solitary negro, in my opinion, would be cheaply purchased by the universal slaughter of his people and their oppressors. I start again. Let us travel again! After a detention of some months in New York city, prostrated on a sick bed, I once more departed for the Southern States. About the middle of September, 1854, I travelled by railroad from Richmond to Petersburg. I made no notes of the intervening country at the time, but will insert here what I wrote on a subsequent pedestrian journey over the same route. Chesterfield county facts. Nearly the entire road runs through woods. Land, from $6 to $8 an acre. This county, a few years ago, had a population of 17,483, an increase of thirty-four only during the ten preceding years. It had 8,400 whites, 8,616 slaves, and 467 free persons
he evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them. Kentucky indorsed this doctrine through the pen of Thomas Jefferson: The several States, so the passage reads, who formed the instrument being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of the infraction, and a nullification, by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy. As late as 1825, Mr. Jefferson adhered to this doctrine. See his letter to William B. Giles, dated December, 1825. The Southern Quarterly Review, the chief organ of the slave power, has repeatedly promulgated and defended this doctrine. It is from that periodical — June No. for 1845--that these extracts are selected. Of course it was not the fugitive slave law that called forth these opinions; but as what is sauce for the tariff must equally be sauce for freedom, it cannot complain of my use of its arg
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