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Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 2, 17th edition.. Search the whole document.

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Hist Coll (search for this): chapter 1
52—54. So, too, Mayhew of Boston. Mass. Hist. Coll. II, 35. on the execution, it remembers that, bls of Salem, 132—151. Bentley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. VI. 250—254. London Monthly Repository, XIV. become a staple. Chalmers, 262. See Hutch. Coll. 422. Parliament, 25 Car. II. c. VII. therequaintance. R. Boyle's letter, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVIII. 49. Dedication of vol. XL. of the Tra's Biog. Diet.; Roger Wolcott, in Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 262—298. And the gratitude of Connecti. The instructions are printed in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 85—87. The document is of the highest i. Commission to John Clarke, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 90, 91. It Chap. XI.} is much in our heeserve the same liberty forever. Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 98. Nor does this rest on their own testcivilly; they admit of all religions. Hutch. Coll. 413. 415. And again, in 1680, the government oence is not accurate; it is in the Mass. Hist. Coll. Compare, also, Walsh's Appeal, 431, &c. Let me[2 mor
English (search for this): chapter 1
. The peerage was abolished with monarchy; the connection between state and church rent asunder; but there was no republic. Selfish ambition forbade it; the state of society and the distribution and tenure of property forbade it. The commons usurped not only all powers of ordinary legislation, but even the right of remoulding the constitution. They were a sort of collective, self-constituted, perpetual dictatorship. Like Rome under its decemviri, England was enslaved by its legislators; English liberty had become the patrimony and estate of the Chap. XI.} commons; the forms of government, the courts of justice, peace and war, all executive, all legislative power, rested with them. They were irresponsible, absolute, and apparently never to be dissolved but at their own pleasure. But the commons were not sustained by the public opinion of the nation. They were resisted by the royalists and the Catholics, by the Presbyterians and the fanatics, by the honest republicans and the
William Berkeley (search for this): chapter 1
d far stronger claims for favor than Rhode Island and Con- 1661. April 30. necticut; and Sir William Berkeley himself embarked for England as the agent of the colony. But Virginia was unhappy alike in the agent whom she selected and in the object of her pursuit. Berkeley was eager in the advancement of his own interests; and Virginia Chap XI.} desired relief from the pressure of the navigation act, Albany Records, XVIII. 158. In reply, the Dutch W. I. C., July 15, 1662. Gov. Berkeley has as yet effected very little in favor of the English Virginians. Records, XVIII. 197 which Charleration, as recklessly as a man would 1673 give away a life-estate in a farm. Meantime Sir William Berkeley made use of his presence in England for his own account, and set the example of narrowing 1663 other principal courtiers and statesmen of that day, in an immense speculation in lands. Berkeley, being about to return to America, was perhaps esteemed a convenient instrument. King Charles
Dunbar (search for this): chapter 1
evented the adoption of any treaty or binding compact between the returning monarch and the people. Yet the want of such a compact could not alarm the determined enthusiasm of the people of England. All classes sighed for the restoration of monarchy, as the only effectual guaranty of peace. The Presbyterians, like repentant sinners at the confessional, hoping to gain favor by an early and effectual union with the royalists, contented themselves with a vague belief that the martyrdoms of Dunbar would never be forgotten; misfortunes and the fate of Charles I. were taken as sureties that Charles II. had learned moderation in the school of exile and sorrow; and his return could have nothing humiliating for the English people, for it was the nation itself that recalled its sovereign. Every party that had opposed the dynasty of the Stuarts, had failed in the attempt to give England a government; the constitutional royalists, the Presbyterians, the Independents, the Long Parliament, th
Eddy (search for this): chapter 1
ular session was held, and religious May 5. freedom was established in the very words of the charter. Records. If Roman Catholics were disfranchised (which they were not) in March, 1663—4, that disfranchisement endured only two months. Compare Eddy, in Walsh's Appeal, 429, &c.; and Bull, in the R. I. Republican for Jan. 15, 1834.—Chalmers, 276; Douglass, II. 83. 104; British Dom. in America, II. 252; Brit. Empire, II. 148; Holmes, ,&c. &c. &c. are all but forms of the one single authority ielective franchise. Could a milder course have been proposed? When, by experience, this engagement was found irksome to the Quakers, it was the next year repealed. Brinley, in Mass. Hist. Coll. v. 216—220; Holmes, i. 341. Compare, in reply, Eddy in Mass. Hist. Coll. XVII. 97; Knowles, 324, 325. Once, indeed, Rhode Island was betrayed into Chap. XI.} inconsistency. There had been great difficulties in collecting taxes, and towns had refused to pay their rates. In 1671, the general <
Nelly Gwyn (search for this): chapter 1
ed absolution; For God's sake, send for a Catholic priest; but checked himself, adding, it may expose the duke of York to danger. James' II. Memoirs, i. 747. He pardoned all his enemies, no doubt sincerely. The queen sent to beg forgiveness for any offences. Alas, poor woman, she beg my pardon! he replied; I beg hers with all my heart; take back to her that answer. Dalrymple, book i. p. 66. He expressed some regard for his brother, his children, his mistresses. Do not leave poor Nelly Gwyn to starve, was almost his last commission. Burnet, II. 284. So, too, Evelyn, III. 132. Such was the lewd king of England, on whose favor depended the liberties of the New England colonies, where lewdness was held a crime, and adultery inexorably punished by death on the gallows. Massachusetts, strong in its charter, made no haste 1660. to present itself in England as a suppliant. The colony of Boston, wrote Stuyvesant, Albany Records, XVIII. 124 Oct. 6. 1660. remains consta
John Eliot (search for this): chapter 1
lision; and New Haven had been unwilling to merge itself in the larger colony; the wise moderation of Winthrop was able to reconcile the jarrings, and blend the interests of the united colonies. The universal approbation of Connecticut followed him throughout all the remainder of his life; for twice seven years he continued to be annually elected to Chap. XI.} 1662 to 1676. the office of her chief magistrate. Compare further on the younger Winthrop, Savage, in Winthrop, i. 64, and 126; Eliot's Biog. Diet.; Roger Wolcott, in Mass. Hist. Coll. IV. 262—298. And the gratitude of Connecticut was reasonable. The charter which Winthrop had obtained, secured to her an existence of tranquillity which could not be surpassed. Civil freedom was safe under the shelter of masculine morality; and beggary and crime could not thrive in the midst of severest manners. From the first, the minds of the yeomanry were kept active by the constant exercise of the elective franchise; and, except
Warwick (search for this): chapter 1
illo Hectore, adds Stuyvesant, who was very fond of a Latin quotation. There was, however, no change in the political principles of New England, which never was regicide. Albany Records, XVIII. 123. and the rising republic on the Connecticut appeared in London by its representative, the younger Winthrop, who went, as it were, between the mangled limbs of his father-in-law, to ensure the welfare of his fellow-exiles in the west. They had purchased their lands of the assigns of the earl of Warwick, and from Uncas they had bought the 1661 Mar. 14. territory of the Mohegans; and the news of the restoration awakened a desire for a patent. But the little colony proceeded warily; they draughted among themselves the instrument which they desired the king to ratify; and they could plead for their possessions their rights by purchase, by conquest from the Pequods, and by their own labor, which had redeemed the wilderness. A letter was also addressed from Connecticut 1661 to the aged Lord
Historians (search for this): chapter 1
oles of Oriental diction, they prepared to overthrow despotic power by using the power a despot had conceded. The objects of this assembly were all democratic: it labored to effect a most radical reform; to codify English law, by reducing the huge volumes of the common law into a few simple English axioms; to abolish tithes; and to Chap. XI.} establish an absolute religious freedom, such as the United States now enjoy. This parliament has for ages been the theme of unsparing ridicule. Historians, with little generosity towards a defeated party, have sided against the levellers; and the misfortune of failure in action has doomed them to censure and con tempt. Yet they only demanded what had often been promised, and what, on the immutable principles of freedom, was right. They did but remember the truths which Cromwell had professed, and had forgotten. Cromwell feared their influence; and, finding the republican party too honest to become the dupes of his ambition, he induced suc
Saxon (search for this): chapter 1
idney, whose imagination delighted in pictures of Roman liberty, of Spartan virtue; the less educated, who indulged in visions of a restoration of that happy Anglo-Saxon system, which had been invented in the woods in days of Anglo-Saxon simplicity; the republicans, the levellers, the fanatics,—all ranged themselves on the side of Saxon simplicity; the republicans, the levellers, the fanatics,—all ranged themselves on the side of the new ideas. The true representative of the better principles of the Independents was Henry Vane; but the acknowledged leader of the party was Oliver Cromwell. Was he sincere? Or was he wholly a hypocrite? It is difficult to disbelieve that his mind was honestly imbued with the extreme principles of Puritan reforms; but thearate settlement a little democracy of itself. It was the natural reproduction of the system, which the instinct of humanity had imperfectly revealed to our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. In the ancient republics, citizenship had been an hereditary privilege. In Connecticut, citizenship was acquired by inhabitancy, was lost by removal.
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