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Browsing named entities in a specific section of William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune. Search the whole document.

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1793 AD (search for this): chapter 8
levation of Fillmore to the presidency through Taylor's death, and after that Congress passed four separate bills, which Fillmore signed. The first of these admitted California as a free State. The second adjusted the Texas boundary, giving the State $10,000,000 as an indemnity, and also organized New Mexico as a Territory, the State or States formed from which should be admitted with or without slavery, as their constitutions may prescribe. The third bill amended the fugitive slave law of 1793 by providing new machinery for the capture of such slaves, and imposing a fine not exceeding $1,000 and imprisonment for not more than six months on any one who obstructed the enforcement of the law, or concealed a fugitive. A fourth bill forbade the traffic in slaves in the District of Columbia. The Tribune realized at once that the slave power had won in this great contest, and it refused to accept the result as a Whig victory. When, in October, it was proposed to hold in New York cit
December 23rd, 1848 AD (search for this): chapter 8
vening Post, on January 4, 1850, charged that the editor of the Tribune, before he got home from Congress, was willing to divide the new territories with the slaveholders upon equitable terms. Greeley was out of town when this appeared, but on his return, in the Tribune of January 12, he made his oft-quoted reply: You lie, villain! wilfully, wickedly, basely lie! The editor of the Tribune was never willing to divide the territories with the slaveholders on any terms whatever. On December 23, 1848, a secret conference of the Senators and Representatives from the Southern States was held in the Senate chamher, and, after a number of adjourned meetings, a long address to their constituents was adopted, a motion to table the subject being lost by a vote of yeas, 28; nays, 60. This address, after reviewing the constitutional provision concerning slavery, asserted the right of slave-owners to recover their slaves in free States, set forth the obstacles devised thereto and the exist
February, 1837 AD (search for this): chapter 8
facto government in Texas, if one had been established, and Clay reported a resolution acknowledging that obligation whenever our Government received satisfactory information that such a government was in operation, and his resolution was adopted by both Houses. Meanwhile, claims against the Mexican Government, made by Americans, were piling up and were disregarded. In December, 1836, the United States charge d'affaires at the city of Mexico asked for his passports and departed, and in February, 1837, President Jackson, who had tried in vain to purchase Texas of Mexico, in a special message to Congress asked for power to make reprisals if the Mexican Government refused to meet its obligations. Webster made a speech in Niblo's Garden, New York city, on March 15, 1837, which, in Greeley's view, expressed the more considerate Northern view of the [Texas annexation] subject at that time. In that speech he said: On the general question of slavery a great portion of the communit
March 7th (search for this): chapter 8
ntion of the country was over the famous Clay Compromise of 1850. In his autobiography Greeley says, Mr. Clay's proffer seemed to me candid and fair to the North, so far as it related to the newly acquired territories. But even this guarded statement does not give a fair presentation of Greeley's part in this struggle. He did not accept any part of the compromise at the start. He announced open rebellion against his old leader's position. He repudiated the argument of Webster in the 7th of March speech. He did ally himself, later in the contest, with the compromisers, but only to find that the so-called compromise was an apple of discord, which did as much as anything else preceding the war to arouse Northern opinion, make clear the aim of the slave power, and elect an antislavery President. Clay's compromise and Webster's famous speech had their origin in the fear that the South would attempt to destroy the Union, and Henry Wilson almost excuses Webster in view of the pictur
January 12th (search for this): chapter 8
ion, Law, Reason, are all against it. ... If the slavery propagandists are ready for the inevitable struggle, let no retreat be beaten by the champions of universal Freedom. The people are looking on. The New York Evening Post, on January 4, 1850, charged that the editor of the Tribune, before he got home from Congress, was willing to divide the new territories with the slaveholders upon equitable terms. Greeley was out of town when this appeared, but on his return, in the Tribune of January 12, he made his oft-quoted reply: You lie, villain! wilfully, wickedly, basely lie! The editor of the Tribune was never willing to divide the territories with the slaveholders on any terms whatever. On December 23, 1848, a secret conference of the Senators and Representatives from the Southern States was held in the Senate chamher, and, after a number of adjourned meetings, a long address to their constituents was adopted, a motion to table the subject being lost by a vote of yeas, 28;
March, 1844 AD (search for this): chapter 8
h in securing the ratification of an annexation treaty. The administration made a direct proposal of such a treaty to Texas, and, after the Texas Government had received from the United States' diplomatic agent an assurance that no power would be permitted by the United States to invade Texas territory because of such a treaty, an envoy from Texas was sent to Washington to complete the negotiations. Before his arrival Upshur had been killed by the explosion on the frigate Princeton; in March, 1844, Calhoun took his place; and on April 12 the treaty was signed and ten days later sent to the Senate, where, on June 8, it was defeated by a vote of sixteen yeas to thirty-five nays. Tyler at once, in a special message, urged the House to secure annexation by some other form of proceeding, but Congress adjourned without carrying out the scheme. The year 1844 was a presidential year, and the most probable candidates for the heads of the two tickets were Clay and Van Buren. Both of the
June 27th (search for this): chapter 8
aid: We shall take time for reflection. If it shall appear to us that the support of General Taylor is the only course by which the election of Cass can be prevented, we shall feel bound to concur in that support. The Free-soil Democrats called a convention to meet in Buffalo on August 9, and on July 31 the Tribune restated its objections to Taylor, and refused to come out for him until the Buffalo convention and the August elections made it certain that Taylor or Cass must be chosen. On June 27 a Taylor ratification meeting was held in New York city, which adopted the following among other resolutions: Resolved, That we deprecate sectional issues in a national canvass, as dangerous to the Union and injurious to the public good; that we look with confidence to a Whig administration to remove all causes for such issues, and that we will countenance no faction of the Whig party, and no coalition with any faction out of it, which shall threaten to array one section of our commo
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