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England (United Kingdom) (search for this): chapter 12
nly by act of Congress. March 6 and May 8. Works, vol. IV. pp. 98-120. the occasion which led him to introduce a resolution to this effect was President Pierce's notice to Denmark for terminating the treaty in relation to the Danish Sound dues given in pursuance of a resolution of the Senate. It was suspected at the time that Southern senators, who were urging the power of the Senate to abrogate the treaty, had in view the making of a precedent for the revocation of the treaty with Great Britain requiring a naval force on the coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade. Sumner had already in executive session opposed successfully Slidell's proposition to abrogate this treaty. His speeches defeated the proposed action in relation to the treaty with Denmark, and aided in establishing the rule that treaties can be abrogated only by act of Congress. H wrote to Theodore Parker, Jan. 3, 1856:— This evening I dined in the company of several of the judges of the Sup
Chicago (Illinois, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
nd reviled. To E. L. Pierce, March 21:— I have received your beautiful and complete notice of my book. Notice of Sumner's third volume of speeches in Chicago Daily Journal, March 17, 1856. It is more than I deserved. How little did I dream as I pursued my studies at College, and then at the Law School, that such thingdone by me. For your faithful friendship I am most grateful. My brother George has come, and pleased me much by telling me good news of you. I am glad you are at Chicago, if you must be away from Massachusetts. Trumbull is a hero, and more than a match for Douglas. Illinois in sending him does much to make me forget that she srutal, murderous, and cowardly. Among similar demonstrations were meetings in Brooklyn, Philadelphia, New Haven, Providence, Rochester, Buffalo, Canandaigua, and Chicago. In some of these, eminent divines, like Francis Wayland, Leonard Bacon, and F. H. Hedge, bore a part. In Massachusetts the public indignation rose to its hig
Auburn, N. Y. (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
l not say that I, but the whole nation, or the free portion of it, sympathize with you; and what is far better, I believe them to be seriously moved. At least I have seen nothing like it before. With us the wave has reached an elevation which it never before touched; and he remarked how it carried along the most conservative me,—those who were calm, considerate, and constitutional in their aims. Mrs. Seward, who was constant in her attentions until she left Washington, wrote, July 4, from Auburn, to dissuade him, for his own sake and for the sake of the great cause, from immediate public efforts, and said: Dear Charles, your enemies have placed upon your brow a chaplet greener, brighter, and more unfading than any that could have been woven by the hands of dearest friends. You have served the cause of justice and humanity faithfully, fearlessly, and effectually. Nothing you can say or do at present can strengthen your hold upon the affections of the North, of the enlightened, bene
Vermont (Vermont, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
nions there not forbidden by the laws,—a right exercised by tract, Bible, and missionary societies, and even by the senator from Illinois, who is an emigrant from Vermont propagating his disastrous opinions in another State. A tribute to Massachusetts, listened to with breathless attention, J. S. Pike in New York Tribune, May 2ards United States senator. both in session, at once responded to the action of Massachusetts in resolutions which were presented to Congress. The Legislature of Vermont, when it next met, denounced the assault, and gave an unqualified approval to the sentiments and doctrines of Sumner's speech. the governor of New York communicaMarch 9. His last words as he parted from the country concerned the cause which lay deeply on his heart, and were contained in two letters,—one to the governor of Vermont from Mr. Jay's house, and the other to a friend of Kansas from the steamer just before it parted from the pilot. Works, vol. IV. pp. 398-401. That very mornin
California (California, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
n legal sanction, they initiated proceedings for the formation of a State government, following substantially the methods which had been pursued in Michigan and California. In October they chose Reeder a delegate to Congress, and elected delegates to a constitutional convention; and the constitution framed by that body the same m New York; Cadwallader, Florence, and Jones of Pennsylvania; English and Miller of Indiana; Allen, Harris, and Marshall of Illinois; Hall of Iowa, and Denver of California. The Boston Advertiser, July 16, classified the vote. except John Scott Harrison of Ohio, elected as an American. Three or four Fillmore men (conservative Whi radically different civilizations. Fremont was defeated in the national election, losing five free States,—Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California; but Massachusetts gave him nearly seventy thousand plurality, and nearly fifty thousand majority over the combined votes for Buchanan and Fillmore. Burlingame
Delaware (Delaware, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
to defend himself,—a mode of warfare congenial to cowards, but not to brave and honorable men. Clingman. Congressional Globe, App. p. 736. Three Southern men, though apologizing for Brooks, and disapproving some parts of Sumner's speech, escaped the madness of their section, and maintained the jurisdiction of the House,— Etheridge of Tennessee, Congressional Globe, App. p. 822. who, however, voted against Brooks's expulsion, and also Cullen Congressional Globe, App. p. 1053. of Delaware and Hoffman of Maryland; the former voting to censure Keitt, and the latter to expel Brooks. Even Henry Winter Davis voted against the expulsion of Brooks, and withheld his vote as to the censure of Keitt. The report and resolutions were defended by the Republican members,—by Bingham and Giddings of Ohio, Pennington of New Jersey, Simmons of New York, Woodruff of Connecticut; and by Massachusetts members, Comins, Damrell, and Hall. They, maintained the power of the House to punish Brooks<
Georgia (Georgia, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
A few days later, Hale of New Hampshire supported him. Jones Jones, February 25. called Hale the devil's own. Congressional Globe, App. 101. See further remarks of Jones on the same day. Congressional Globe, p 497. of Tennessee, Toombs of Georgia, Butler of South Carolina, and Toucey of Connecticut defended the Administration,—the last named as well as Jones dealing, in offensive personalities, which drew spirited retorts from Wilson and Hale. Butler came thus early (February 25 and Mart them, and an appeal from his decision was laid on the table. The resolution then passed by a vote of ninety-three to sixty-eight. The Speaker appointed as the committee Campbell of Ohio, Pennington of New Jersey, Spinner of New York, Cobb of Georgia, and Greenwood of Arkansas,—the first three Republicans and Northern men, the last two Democrats and Southern men; not all of one party, like the Senate committee. The Senate committee reported May 28, with a notice of precedents, but without c
Canandaigua (New York, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
vital attack upon the Constitution of the Union. The series of resolutions thus ended, with a universal response of approval from the vast audience: We discover no trace or trait either in the meditation, the preparation, or the execution of this outrage by Preston S. Brooks, which should qualify the condemnation with which we now pronounce it brutal, murderous, and cowardly. Among similar demonstrations were meetings in Brooklyn, Philadelphia, New Haven, Providence, Rochester, Buffalo, Canandaigua, and Chicago. In some of these, eminent divines, like Francis Wayland, Leonard Bacon, and F. H. Hedge, bore a part. In Massachusetts the public indignation rose to its highest point. Both the excitement and the regard for Sumner felt and expressed for him by people hitherto differing from him are well stated in the Springfield Republican, May 24. The sensation among the people was more intense than has attended any event in our history preceding the Civil War. Public meetings were
Indiana (Indiana, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
ve against it. All but one of the majority were from the free States. The nays from the free States (thirteen in all) were Democrats, John Kelly and Wheeler of New York; Cadwallader, Florence, and Jones of Pennsylvania; English and Miller of Indiana; Allen, Harris, and Marshall of Illinois; Hall of Iowa, and Denver of California. The Boston Advertiser, July 16, classified the vote. except John Scott Harrison of Ohio, elected as an American. Three or four Fillmore men (conservative Whigs) . 331, has remarked that Brooks's act became an historical event of eminent importance . . . in denoting two radically different civilizations. Fremont was defeated in the national election, losing five free States,—Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois, and California; but Massachusetts gave him nearly seventy thousand plurality, and nearly fifty thousand majority over the combined votes for Buchanan and Fillmore. Burlingame was re-elected by a very small majority over William Apple
Waltham (Massachusetts, United States) (search for this): chapter 12
en that on a former occasion I did something to exhibit the plantation manners which he displays. I will not do any more now. In all this Sumner was no aggressor. He had from first entering the Senate, as a Washington journalist politically unfriendly admitted, observed uniformly, even in the treatment of the slavery question, parliamentary law as well as the requirements of courtesy and good breeding in his personal intercourse. National Intelligencer, Oct. 5, 1854. Banks said at Waltham, Sept. 6, 1856, that Sumner had never spoken a harsh or unfeeling word to his fellow-man in his life. Boston Telegraph, Sept. 6, 1856. It will be recalled how during his first session he bore without retort or notice the epithets applied to him at the time of his speech against the Fugitive Slave Act,—for which he had not given the slightest provocation. It was his fixed purpose when he came to that body to discuss laws, policies, and institutions fully and fearlessly indeed, yet without
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