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Story (search for this): chapter 2
s, at the January term, 1842, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 16 Peter, 689. It is true, the opinion of the Court, delivered by Mr. Justice Story, explicitly affirmed the Constitutional right of the master to recover his fugitive slave in any State to which he had fled. It even went so far as to cloths pronounced by the Constitutional tribunal in the last resort, and therefore challenges the obedience, if not the approval, of every law-abiding citizen. Mr. Justice Story himself seems to have clearly and complacently foreseen the injurious consequences to the rights of the slaveholder which would result from his decision. Invernment, and that the State Legislatures are prohibited from interfering, even to assistin giving effect to the clause in the Constitution on this subject; he (Judge Story) considered that a great point had been gained for liberty; so great a point, indeed, that, on his return from Washington, he repeatedly and earnestly spoke of
Jefferson (search for this): chapter 2
rcised great influence on her sister States, was, in 1832, on the verge of emancipation. Letter of Geo. W. Randolph to Nahum Capen, of 18th April, 1851. The current was then running strong in its favor throughout the State. Many of the leading men, both the principal newspapers, and probably a majority of the people sustained the policy and justice of emancipation. Numerous petitions in its favor were presented to the General Assembly. Mr. Jefferson Randolph, a worthy grandson of President Jefferson, and a delegate from one of the largest slaveholding counties of the commonwealth (Albemarle), brought forward a bill in the House to accomplish the object. This was fully and freely discussed, and was advocated by many prominent members. Not a voice was raised throughout the debate in favor of slavery. Mr. Randolph, finding the Legislature not quite prepared for so decisive a measure, did not press it to a final vote; but yet the House resolved, by a majority of 65 to 58, that the
Albemarle (search for this): chapter 2
of Geo. W. Randolph to Nahum Capen, of 18th April, 1851. The current was then running strong in its favor throughout the State. Many of the leading men, both the principal newspapers, and probably a majority of the people sustained the policy and justice of emancipation. Numerous petitions in its favor were presented to the General Assembly. Mr. Jefferson Randolph, a worthy grandson of President Jefferson, and a delegate from one of the largest slaveholding counties of the commonwealth (Albemarle), brought forward a bill in the House to accomplish the object. This was fully and freely discussed, and was advocated by many prominent members. Not a voice was raised throughout the debate in favor of slavery. Mr. Randolph, finding the Legislature not quite prepared for so decisive a measure, did not press it to a final vote; but yet the House resolved, by a majority of 65 to 58, that they were profoundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condition of the colored population
James Buchanan (search for this): chapter 2
Mr. Buchanan's administration. Chapter 1: The rise and progress of Anti-slavery agitation the higher law Anti-slavery societies their formation and proceedings their effect destructive of State emancipation the case in Virginia employment of the post office to circulate incendiary publications and pictures amonoslavery party the Fugitive slave law of 1793, and the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, and its pernicious effects the South threaten secession the course of Mr. Buchanan as Senator the Wilmot Proviso and its consequences the Union in serious danger at the meeting of Congress in December, 1849. that the Constitution does nomanifestly intended to promote servile insurrection and civil war within their limits. The power and duty of Congress to pass the bill were earnestly urged by Mr. Buchanan, then a Senator from Pennsylvania, in opposition to the objections of Mr. Webster. This anti-slavery agitation in New England was prosecuted by other and di
Jefferson Davis (search for this): chapter 2
Senate, but after a long and animated debate, it was negatived, on the 8th of June, 1836, by a vote of 19 to 25. Senate Journal, June 2, 1886, pp. 899,400, and Con. Globe of June 8, 1836. It is worthy of remark, that even at this early period not a single Senator from New England, whether political friend or opponent of General Jackson, voted in favor of the measure he had so emphatically recommended. All the Senators from that portion of the Union, under the lead of Messrs. Webster and Davis, of Massachusetts, denied to Congress the Constitutional power of passing any law to prevent the abolitionists from using our own mails to circulate incendiary documents throughout the slaveholding States, even though these were manifestly intended to promote servile insurrection and civil war within their limits. The power and duty of Congress to pass the bill were earnestly urged by Mr. Buchanan, then a Senator from Pennsylvania, in opposition to the objections of Mr. Webster. This ant
Wilmot (search for this): chapter 2
ropriation, to be applied to this purpose, which it might or might not become necessary to employ before their next meeting. Accordingly, on the 8th of August a bill was presented to the House granting the President $2,000,000. To this bill Mr. Wilmot offered his proviso as an amendment. Con. Globe, 1845-6, p. 1217. The proviso declared That, as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any trea, was future and contingent; and in fact that of Guadalupe Hidalgo, under which we acquired Upper California and New Mexico, was not concluded until almost eighteen months thereafter. Treaty, Feb. 2, 1848; 9 U. S. Statutes at Large, 922. But Mr. Wilmot was so eager to introduce this new subject for anti-slavery agitation, that he could not await the regular course of events. The proviso was also out of place in an appropriation bill confined to a single important object, because it was cal
Washington (search for this): chapter 2
fere with slavery in the States, has been admitted by all parties and confirmed by all judicial decisions ever since the origin of the Federal Government. This doctrine was emphatically recognized by the House of Representatives in the days of Washington, during the first session of the first Congress, Annals of Congress, vol. II, p. 1474, Sept 1, 1789-90. and has never since been seriously called in question. Hence, it became necessary for the abolitionists, in order to furnish a pretext nd liberty of the master who pursued his fugitive slave into a free State were placed in imminent peril. For this he was often imprisoned, and, in some instances, murdered. The Fugitive Slave Law, although passed under the administration of Washington for the purpose of carrying into effect a plain, clear, and mandatory provision of the Constitution, was set at naught. And this was done in the face of a well-known historical fact, that without such a provision the Constitution itself never
Seaton (search for this): chapter 2
home to the fireside, to the domestic circle of every white man in the Southern States. This day, this dark and gloomy day for the Republic, will, I most devoutly trust and believe, never arrive. Although, in Pennsylvania, we are all opposed to slavery in the abstract, yet we will never violate the Constitutional compact which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain. Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. XII., part 1, 1835-6, p. 781. A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, at the January term, 1842, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 16 Peter, 689. It is true, the opinion of the Court, delivered by Mr. Justice Story, explicitly affirmed the C
Jackson (search for this): chapter 2
tive of State emancipation the case in Virginia employment of the post office to circulate incendiary publications and pictures among the slaves message of General Jackson to prohibit this bylaw his recommendation defeated the pulpit, the press, and other agencies abolition petitions the rise of an extreme Southern Proslavercalculated to arouse the savage passions of the slaves to servile insurrection. So alarming had these efforts become to the domestic peace of the South, that General Jackson recommended they should be prohibited by law, under severe penalties. He said, in his annual message of 2d December, 1835: I must also invite your attention . Globe of June 8, 1836. It is worthy of remark, that even at this early period not a single Senator from New England, whether political friend or opponent of General Jackson, voted in favor of the measure he had so emphatically recommended. All the Senators from that portion of the Union, under the lead of Messrs. Webster and Dav
January 30th, 1832 AD (search for this): chapter 2
speakers, in spite of the injunctions of an inspired apostle; and their harangues were quite as violent and extreme as those of their fathers, husbands, and brothers. Their influence as mothers was thus secured and directed to the education of the rising generation in anti-slavery principles. Never was an organization planned and conducted with greater skill and foresight for the eventual accomplishment of its object. The New England Anti-Slavery Society was organized in Boston on January 30th, 1832; that of New York in October, 1833; and the National Society was organized in Philadelphia in December, 1833. Affiliated societies soon became numerous. After the formation of the New England society the agitation against Southern slavery proceeded with redoubled vigor, and this under the auspices of British emissaries. One of the first and most pernicious effects of these proceedings was to arrest the natural progress of emancipation under legitimate State authority. When this
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