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Browsing named entities in The Daily Dispatch: December 30, 1861., [Electronic resource].

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we could do for either party, and whether with a view to our transactions in Mexico, or to our relations with the Cabinet of Washington, the friendly forbearance of the Southern Confederacy is an important point in our favor. [from the London times, Dec. 7.] The President of the Confederate States has delivered his Message on the meeting of the Southern Congress. The usage in the Northern federation is for Congress to meet on the first Monday in December, which this year fell on the 2d, and in a few days we may expect to have Mr. Lincoln's Message to the Republic of which he is Chief Magistrate.--But in the Confederate States the practice of the older federation has not been adopted, so that President Davis has the start of his rival by a few days, and is able to make an impression by a bold and confident manifesto, while President Lincoln is still engaged on his own lengthy disquisition. The summary given of the Southern Message shows it to be a State paper of great intere
The American Revolution.President Jeff. Davis's Message in England.the independence of the Southern Confederacy predicted.Queen Victoria's proclamations. &c., &c., &c. By the arrival of the Cunard mail steamship American at New York, on the 24th inst., we have European mails of the 7th instant, with files of papers to that date. We give below some very interesting extracts, bearing upon the all-absorbing topic which occupies the public mind at this time: President Davis's Message in England.what are Cabinet and politicians think and hope from the paper.[from the London Post (Government organ) Dec, 7.] The principal intelligence conveyed by the Edinburg from America consists in the message of the President of the Southern Confederation, and we are glad to notice the friendly tone in which it treats of the relations of the South with this country, while we are embarked in a critical negotiation with the North; and while we are also about to enter upon our intervention in
te States has delivered his Message on the meeting of the Southern Congress. The usage in the Northern federation is for Congress to meet on the first Monday in December, which this year fell on the 2d, and in a few days we may expect to have Mr. Lincoln's Message to the Republic of which he is Chief Magistrate.--But in the Confederate States the practice of the older federation has not been adopted, so that President Davis has the start of his rival by a few days, and is able to make an impression by a bold and confident manifesto, while President Lincoln is still engaged on his own lengthy disquisition. The summary given of the Southern Message shows it to be a State paper of great interest and importance. Its author has always been recognized, even by his enemies, as one of the most vigorous and astute politicians that America has produced, and he is especially remarkable for literary skill in compositions of this kind. We may expect, therefore, that the dignity of the South w
ourts of France and England; and there is a passage in this part of his message which throws a probable light on the distinctive mission on which Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason were sent to Europe. He remarks, with some evident pride, that the Confederate States have been content to fight their own battle, and have solicited no assista inefficiency of these blockades, and to put the assertion upon evidence. It is a fair inference that this was one of the questions upon which Messrs. Slidell and Mason were sent to Europe. But there is another statement in our present American intelligence which threatens to put the blockade question in a light altogether nethe reception of which may change the civil war into a great and world-wide struggle. Nothing can interest us now unless it relates to the one question — Will Messrs. Mason and Slidell be given up? Everything that bears on this will be greedily read by the British public; everything that tends to show the temper of the Americ
Envoys to the Courts of France and England; and there is a passage in this part of his message which throws a probable light on the distinctive mission on which Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason were sent to Europe. He remarks, with some evident pride, that the Confederate States have been content to fight their own battle, and have solicngly, the total inefficiency of these blockades, and to put the assertion upon evidence. It is a fair inference that this was one of the questions upon which Messrs. Slidell and Mason were sent to Europe. But there is another statement in our present American intelligence which threatens to put the blockade question in a lighf which may change the civil war into a great and world-wide struggle. Nothing can interest us now unless it relates to the one question — Will Messrs. Mason and Slidell be given up? Everything that bears on this will be greedily read by the British public; everything that tends to show the temper of the Americans, or to give
re, could have bought saltpetre cheaper in South America than they could have bought it here. True, the transit in that case would have occupied longer time than it would in this. Yet they could not have required three thousand tons for the purposes of their present civil war until they had time to send ships to South America and receive them back again at least ten times over. We must remember also that this order for saltpetre was dispatched from Washington before the exploit of Captain Wilkes had become known. As soon as it did become known, a fresh agent, as we have teen, was at once sent here with orders to purchase rifles, lead, and percussion this, on a scale, it would appear, of corresponding magnitude. Once and for all is certainly, not the usual course with those who can cut and come again. We do not desire to give these considerations under influence but they certainly imply a disposition to draw our teeth and then to tell us to bite if we can. We shall not lo
rom America consists in the message of the President of the Southern Confederation, and we are glad to notice the friendly tone in which it treats of the relations of the South with this country, while we are embarked in a critical negotiation with the North; and while we are also about to enter upon our intervention in Mexico, a country bordering upon the Southern States. This is, in fact, the only satisfactory and significant information that the present American packet has brought. The "Trent question" remains in statu quo. The opinion of the law officers of the Washington Cabinet, which is now repeated, had reached us by the Persia on Monday last; but the popular excitement which the question had provoked appears to have in some measure cooled down. For the moment, therefore, Southern politics arrest our chief attention. The Message of President Davis to the Southern Congress is, in our judgment, the more satisfactory for the firm and determined attitude in which it confro
een engaged in buying up all our purchasable means of offence and defence, after a fashion that Charles Dickens would describe as "wholesale, retail, and for exportation." By much or by little, whatever was to be obtained for money was about to be purchased and shipped for America. Within the last ten days an agent of the Federal Government is understood to have bought up three thousand tons of saltpetre, the chief component of gunpowder; and this was so much more than the whole amount that London could supply that the American agent, we believe, was obliged to complete his commission by contracting with manufacturers of this commodity in the provinces. The export of these three thousand tons was arrested by the former proclamation, probably just in time. Mean while, however, the American government had been purchasing small arms on a scale somewhat less vast, or with so much more discretion, at least, that the fact had not become notorious. But the necessities of the Washingto
Charles Dickens (search for this): article 1
ention of doing. Queen Victoria's proclamations against the export of war material — what effect they may have on the war.[from the London Post (Government organ) Dec. 6.] The second royal proclamation, forbidding the export of arms and other warlike stores not included in the former., has followed its predecessor not a day too soon. With whatever view the Cabinet of Washington has been engaged in buying up all our purchasable means of offence and defence, after a fashion that Charles Dickens would describe as "wholesale, retail, and for exportation." By much or by little, whatever was to be obtained for money was about to be purchased and shipped for America. Within the last ten days an agent of the Federal Government is understood to have bought up three thousand tons of saltpetre, the chief component of gunpowder; and this was so much more than the whole amount that London could supply that the American agent, we believe, was obliged to complete his commission by contrac
April, 12 AD (search for this): article 1
probably armed with the means of doing — it may be assumed that no difficulty presented itself in the completion of the contract so far as the manufacturers were concerned. But so prompt and decisive has been the action of our Government, that before this latter agent of the Federal Cabinet had set foot for forty-eight hours in this country, a second proclamation has issued, forbidding the export of "arms, ammunition, percussion caps, tubes, and lead." This proclamation is dated Wednesday, Dec. 4, and took the public by surprise yesterday morning. But for this rapid action, the goods in question would probably have been shipped, so far as they were ready prepared for use, by the end of the week. The result is that this American gentleman is thrown upon his beam ends, and will probably return to New York by the next mail, with his cash in his pocket, and leaving the coveted arms and ammunition on English ground. The object of the Federal Government certainly cannot be log
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