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proceedings of the American government the noble lord had not forgotten to ask for compensation for the outrage. Mr. Gregory on the blockade. In the House of Commons, on the 7th inst., Mr. Gregory said that he had been unwilling, on the prMr. Gregory said that he had been unwilling, on the previous evening, to introduce any subject which could give rise to a debate, but there was one topic which was on the lips of every one, and that was the effect which this lamentable American war had produced upon the population of England. (Hear, hrnment both knew that no blockade could be recognized unless it was effective.--Now, documents had been placed in his (Mr. Gregory's) hands within the last few days, which showed considerable doubt to exist with reference to the effectiveness of themercial question he would at present say nothing; but it appeared to him perfectly clear that if his honorable friend (Mr. Gregory) was able to substantiate the statement he had foreshadowed — namely, that the blockade had been nothing more than a p
t be full of exaggeration. It was to the effect that a Canadian gentleman, a British subject, whilst traveling on an American railway, was arrested by order of Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States; that he was taken to the guard-house, stripped and searched, and subjected to very great and gross indignity, under thh subject. It further appeared that he was asked to take the oath of allegiance to the United States, and refused to do so. Lord Lyons sent a representation to Mr. Seward, and on the 15th of November he wrote a reply, saying that he had at first been led to believe that the gentleman was a citizen of the United States, and that iain conditions one of which was, that he was not to enter the Confederate States during the war. Subsequently he was liberated. The House would understand that Mr. Seward assumed the right of the President to order the arrest of any person during the war at his pleasure, whether a citizen of the United States or not, and the law
In a brief commentary upon the whole, the London News, remarks: The bare description of these Blue Books enables the reader to form some idea of the constant danger of ignition which the American civil war has brought as near to ourselves as a neutral State as if no broad Atlantic lay between us and the burning house beyond. Earl Derby on recognition. We get the following from the New York Herald of the 26th February: In the House of Lords on the 7th instant the Earl of Derby said he was not much in the habit of occupying the time of their lordships with matters personal to himself, or with making observations in reference to the reports of his speeches or those of other noble lords in that house. The fact was he very seldom read the reports either of his own speeches or of other speeches which he heard in the house. But he happened to look to the report in the Times newspaper of what he addressed to their lordships yesterday, and there was one point in it to w
e whether it was effective or not. Whilst they looked at all these matters from a conciliatory point of view as regarded the United States, although he should be the last man to advocate any act of hostility, still, as this country had acknowledged two belligerent parties, he though that in justice to both, and to the suffering people of this country no time should be lost in discussing the subject--(hear, hear)--and ascertaining whether this blockade was in reality effective. (Hear) Mr. Bentinck was glad that the question of the blockade of the Southern ports of America was to be brought under the notice of the House. There were two questions involved in the consideration of the subject — namely, its commercial bearing and its bearing upon the character of this country.--Upon the commercial question he would at present say nothing; but it appeared to him perfectly clear that if his honorable friend (Mr. Gregory) was able to substantiate the statement he had foreshadowed — namely
J. Russell (search for this): article 6
bservations were made, but not of very great importance. The delegates concluded by stating that they should remain in London for the present, in the hope that the recognition of the Southern Confederacy would not be long delayed, I am, &c., J. Russell The letter of Messrs. Yancey, Rost and Mann. Following the above is a letter addressed by the Commissioners to Earl Russell dated London, August 14. It begins with an allusion to the purposes of the Southern people in throwing off thei of the two belligerents. Her Majesty can, in the meantime, only express a hope that some adjustment satisfactory to both parties may be come to, without the calamities which must ensue in the event of an embittered and protracted confirm. Russell Following this is a long correspondence on the Trent affair, the Nashville and the Tuscarora, and other matters with which our readers are familiar. In a brief commentary upon the whole, the London News, remarks: The bare description
e subject, because he could not bring himself to believe that the facts were as they had been stated. Earl Russell, who was very indistinctly heard, was understood to say that on the 29th of October, a letter was written to Lord Lyons by a Mr. Shepherd, saying that while traveling by railway — he had been an agent of the Grand Trunk Railway--he was arrested and sent to a prison in New York, on a charge of conspiracy against the United States. That gentleman further stated the charge was quthat it was under such an impression he had asked him to take the oath of allegiance. But when it turned out that he was a British subject is release was still with held on the ground that he was a spy in the employ of the Confederate States. Mr. Shepherd gave an indignant denial to that accusation, and he was then asked to enter into certain conditions one of which was, that he was not to enter the Confederate States during the war. Subsequently he was liberated. The House would understand th
nt of the Confederate States in February last, and since Mr. Lincoln assumed the reins of Government in the United States, an a part of the people have proclaimed open opposition to Mr. Lincoln's unconstitutional and despotic Government, while severaerate States, of great internal weakness and division in Mr. Lincoln's Government, the undersigned can proudly and confidentlmay be yield for the present to the people who submit to Mr. Lincoln's usurping Government, for energy displayed in raising a The undersigned our Lords attention to the fact that Mr. Lincoln without though possessed at of a more numerous nsurrection. Even, at sea, upon which the Government of Mr. Lincoln possesses undisputed away, it has not been able to make the States if the South would but remain in the Union. Mr. Lincoln's message proposes no freedom to the slave but announcesg the Confederate States into subjection to the power of Mr. Lincoln's Government, it is by no means improbable that it may b
A. Dudley Mann (search for this): article 6
h a view to preserve, as history, the official record of the mission of Messrs. Yancey, Rost, and Mann, we commence with. Lord Russell's interview with the Southern Commissioners. Lord Russell, and his colleagues. My Lord: On Saturday last I received at my house Mr. Yancey, Mr, Mann, and Judge Rost, the three gentlemen deputed by the Southern Confederacy to obtain their recognitcy would not be long delayed, I am, &c., J. Russell The letter of Messrs. Yancey, Rost and Mann. Following the above is a letter addressed by the Commissioners to Earl Russell dated London,n the Eastern as well as upon the North American continent. W. L. Yancey, P. A. Rost, A. Dudley Mann. Earl Russell's reply. Foreign Office, Aug. 24, 1861. The undersigned has had the honor to receive the letter of the 14th inst., addressed to him by Messrs. Yancey, Rost, and Mann, on behalf of the so-styled Confederate States of North American. The British Government do no
W. L. Yancey (search for this): article 6
With a view to preserve, as history, the official record of the mission of Messrs. Yancey, Rost, and Mann, we commence with. Lord Russell's interview with the SoLord Lyons on the 11th May, gives an account of an interview he had held with Mr. Yancey and his colleagues. My Lord: On Saturday last I received at my house Mr. Yancey, Mr, Mann, and Judge Rost, the three gentlemen deputed by the Southern Confederacy to obtain their recognition as an independent State. One of these geracy would not be long delayed, I am, &c., J. Russell The letter of Messrs. Yancey, Rost and Mann. Following the above is a letter addressed by the Commisman race, both in the Eastern as well as upon the North American continent. W. L. Yancey, P. A. Rost, A. Dudley Mann. Earl Russell's reply. Foreign Offi had the honor to receive the letter of the 14th inst., addressed to him by Messrs. Yancey, Rost, and Mann, on behalf of the so-styled Confederate States of North Ame
June, 5 AD (search for this): article 6
ch could give rise to a debate, but there was one topic which was on the lips of every one, and that was the effect which this lamentable American war had produced upon the population of England. (Hear, hear.) It was not his intention to enter in detail upon the question on that occasion, but there was one point connected with the war which he was justified in alluding to, and that was the condition of the blockade of the Southern ports. (Hear, hear) He did so because, last year, on the 6th of May, he put three questions to the Foreign Secretary, one of which referred to this subject. He then asked Lord Russell whether his Government had informed the Government of the United States that their blockade, if not effective, would not be recognized; to which Lord Russell replied that he had not thought it necessary to give any special instruction to our Minister at Washington, but that Lord Lyons and the United States Government both knew that no blockade could be recognized unless it w
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