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George H. Williams (search for this): chapter 7
secretaries; but as Belknap is a Cabinet minister, all of us may mean the whole Executive. In this sense it is read by General Sheridan's staff. If they are right this telegram is the most serious document issued since the war. If Hamilton Fish and Benjamin H. Bristow have endorsed the military action in this city, we may look for storms. At noon a second telegram comes, in explanation of the first, which seems to prove that Fish and Bristow are as much committed to Caesarism as either Williams or Belknap ; yet Sheridan, after reading and re-reading the document, feels uncertain of the sense, and puzzled as to what he is empowered to do. The message runs: War Department: Jan. 6, 1875. You seem to fear that we have been misled by biassed or partial statements of your acts. Be assured that the President and Cabinet confide in your wisdom, and rest in the belief that all acts of yours have been and will be judicious. This I intended to say in my brief telegram. How is Sh
Philip Sheridan (search for this): chapter 7
iated with the President, but there is no more talk of approval. They confide in his wisdom! Yesterday their cry was for energy. Energy gave them confidence. Now they rest in the belief that his acts have been and will be judicious! Was Philip Sheridan sent to New Orleans in mid-winter, to be judicious? Is the word a hint? No order now to be quick and stern --to lay on and spare not! Where is the reply to his request that ministers will get a short bill pushed through Congress branding very quiet to-day. Some of the banditti made idle threats last night that they would assassinate me. . . . I am not afraid. P. H. Sheridan. Ten minutes after this message is posted in New Orleans, every lip is rippling into merriment and mockery. Afraid! Who's afraid? I'm not afraid. Are you afraid? Why, Sheridan's not afraid! Ha, ha! Even Phil. Sheridan's not afraid! Caesarism has strong points; but the temper to put up with scorn and sarcasm is not one of those strong points.
Benjamin H. Bristow (search for this): chapter 7
; but as Belknap is a Cabinet minister, all of us may mean the whole Executive. In this sense it is read by General Sheridan's staff. If they are right this telegram is the most serious document issued since the war. If Hamilton Fish and Benjamin H. Bristow have endorsed the military action in this city, we may look for storms. At noon a second telegram comes, in explanation of the first, which seems to prove that Fish and Bristow are as much committed to Caesarism as either Williams or BeBristow are as much committed to Caesarism as either Williams or Belknap ; yet Sheridan, after reading and re-reading the document, feels uncertain of the sense, and puzzled as to what he is empowered to do. The message runs: War Department: Jan. 6, 1875. You seem to fear that we have been misled by biassed or partial statements of your acts. Be assured that the President and Cabinet confide in your wisdom, and rest in the belief that all acts of yours have been and will be judicious. This I intended to say in my brief telegram. How is Sheridan to
W. W. Belknap (search for this): chapter 7
'clock in the evening Sheridan wires these words to Belknap, Secretary of War: New Orleans: Jan. 4, 1875. terns for punishment! This startling telegram to Belknap runs: New Orleans: Jan. 5, 1875. I think thh, but in the North and West-is not so confident as Belknap and his adjutants that things are all going well inreet and quay. At midnight, Sheridan telegraphs to Belknap, using a secret cipher for his message: New Orou will only have confidence. P. H. Sheridan. Belknap has confidence; so have the adjutants. Caesar is ners under which his province has been seized. Yet Belknap, more Caesarian than Caesar, wires to New Orleans: ence, and thoroughly appreciate your course. W. W. Belknap. All of us? Who are these all of us The telemay only mean the adjutants and secretaries; but as Belknap is a Cabinet minister, all of us may mean the wholes much committed to Caesarism as either Williams or Belknap ; yet Sheridan, after reading and re-reading the do
Emory (search for this): chapter 7
aders. Many of the writers treat the incident as a pastime. Is it not Carnival — a time for quips and cranks? This Negro orgy in the State House is a joke; that drinking-bar, those hot suppers, that midnight caucus, and those morning cocktails, are conceits of comic writers. But the press, in general, take the thing in serious mood, and to their credit the ablest Republican journals are the sternest critics of De Trobriand's acts. Are we in France? they ask. Is Grant a Bonaparte? Are Emory and De Trobriand the hireling soldiers of a bastard empire? Are we already governed by a Caesar, and is the White House an American Tuileries? Each word pronounced of late by President Grant is scanned, and in their present temper people are disposed to find Caesarism lurking under phrases which at any other time would seem no worse than awkward forms of speech. Grant is seldom happy in his words. Knowing his weakness, he is silent in strange company; but the ruler of a great country c
Louis A. Wiltz (search for this): chapter 7
Ridge valleys and the Peigan hunting-grounds, my dashing neighbour sees his way to square accounts with such opponents as Wiltz and Ogden, McEnery and Penn. I know these people well, he says, having lived with them in other times, when they were wiGulf to his command, has been received. Meanwhile the President is called to study a remonstrance and appeal from Speaker Wiltz, who first telegraphs to him a brief account of the invasion: I have the honour to inform you that the House ofto participate any longer in the business of the House under the dictation of the military. Such being the facts, Louis A. Wiltz, as Speaker, respectfully appeals to the President to be informed by what authority and under what law the United Stes army interrupted and broke up a sessions of the House of Representatives of the State of Louisiana? Should it appear, Wiltz goes on to say, that this invasion has been made without law and authority, he urgently requests that the Federal troops
January 6th, 1875 AD (search for this): chapter 7
by way of clincher, the measure is deemed necessary, and is approved. General Sherman answers dryly: St. Louis: Jan. 6, 1875. Your telegram of the fifth instant, stating that General Sheridan has annexed Department of Gulf to his command, hch his province has been seized. Yet Belknap, more Caesarian than Caesar, wires to New Orleans: War Department: Jan. 6, 1875. Your telegrams all received. The President and all of us have full confidence, and thoroughly appreciate your couent, feels uncertain of the sense, and puzzled as to what he is empowered to do. The message runs: War Department: Jan. 6, 1875. You seem to fear that we have been misled by biassed or partial statements of your acts. Be assured that the Pres subalterns? Not a word. Taking then this second message as a call to order, he answers at night: New Orleans: Jan. 6, 1875. The city is very quiet to-day. Some of the banditti made idle threats last night that they would assassinate me.
5th (search for this): chapter 7
A copy of Townsend's first letter to Sheridan, now twelve days old, is sent to General McDowell, from which this eminent soldier learns that his command in the Gulf has been swept away! In telling General Sherman that Sheridan has taken the command in New Orleans, Townsend describes this officer as having annexed the Gulf, and adds by way of clincher, the measure is deemed necessary, and is approved. General Sherman answers dryly: St. Louis: Jan. 6, 1875. Your telegram of the fifth instant, stating that General Sheridan has annexed Department of Gulf to his command, has been received. Meanwhile the President is called to study a remonstrance and appeal from Speaker Wiltz, who first telegraphs to him a brief account of the invasion: I have the honour to inform you that the House of Representatives of this State was organized to day by the election of myself as Speaker, fifty-eight members, two more than a quorum, voting, with a full House present. More than two h
January 5th, 1875 AD (search for this): chapter 7
unced by Government as outlaws and banditti, and delivered over to his subalterns for punishment! This startling telegram to Belknap runs: New Orleans: Jan. 5, 1875. I think that the terrorism now existing in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Arkansas could be entirely removed, and confidence and fair-dealing established, by el. The adjutants want a little more vigour; and Sheridan, who never stops to weigh his words telegraphs to his friend the Secretary of War: New Orleans: Jan. 5, 1875. Please say to the President that he need give himself no uneasiness about the condition of affairs here. I will preserve the peace, which it is not hard tpirit seems to have breathed all day on street and quay. At midnight, Sheridan telegraphs to Belknap, using a secret cipher for his message: New Orleans: Jan. 5, 1875. There is some excitement in the rotunda of the St. Charles Hotel to-night on the publication by the newspapers of my despatch to you calling the secret arm
January 4th, 1875 AD (search for this): chapter 7
es, when they were wilder than they are to-day. I have no doubt about my course. The White League must be trodden down. They are a bad lot: mere banditti, bent on mischief. In New Orleans you see the best of them. The men are pleasant fellows; even the White Leaguers here are decent; but in the country districts-Bossier and St. Bernard, Natchitoches and Red River-they are hell. At ten o'clock in the evening Sheridan wires these words to Belknap, Secretary of War: New Orleans: Jan. 4, 1875. It is with deep regret that I have to announce to you the existence in this State of a spirit of defiance to all lawful authority, and an insecurity of life which is hardly realized by the General Government or the country at large. The lives of citizens have become so jeopardized, that, unless something is done to give protection to the people, all security usually afforded by law will be over-ridden. Defiance to the laws and the murder of individuals seem to be looked upon by the
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