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Rufus Choate (search for this): chapter 9
ike Lafayette, he has never directly served our country; but I cannot admit that on this account he is less worthy. Like Lafayette, he has done penance in an Austrian dungeon: like Lafayette, he has served the cause of freedom; and whosoever serves this cause, wheresoever he may be, in whatever land, is entitled, according to his works, to the gratitude of every true American bosom, of every true lover of mankind. For this eloquent speech Mr. Sumner received the hearty commendation of Rufus Choate and other gentlemen. In his next speech (on the Iowa Railroad Bill, taken up in the senate Jan. 27 and after wards) occurs this elegant passage: By roads, religion and knowledge are diffused; intercourse of all kinds is promoted; the producer, the manufacturer, and the consumer are all brought nearer together; commerce is quickened; markets are opened; property, wherever touched by these lines, is changed as by a magic rod into new values; and the great current of travel, like that strea
Calhoun, and which was thus associated with the most daring arrogance and effrontery of the slaveholding power. His rooms at Gardner's, on New-York Avenue, were soon stored with books from the Congressional Library, and honored by visits from Mr. Crampton, the British minister, Don Calderon de la Barca, minister from Spain, and other foreign celebrities, in whose society he received instruction and delight. I remember, that winter, says an agreeable writer, meeting Messrs. Chase and Sumner at a dinner-party given by Mr. Crampton; and, as they entered the parlor together, I was struck by their manlike appearance, as I was subsequently charmed by their dinner-table chat. By the Southern members the anti-slavery agitator who had succeeded Daniel Webster was viewed with supercilious contempt: he was placed at the foot of the unimportant committees on revolutionary claims and on roads and canals; and no one then discerned in him the grand and fearless leader of a slowly-rising power th
Otis Clapp (search for this): chapter 9
er to the senatorial chair; having had, on the twenty-fifth and last ballot in the House, a hundred and. ninety-three votes, the exact number necessary to a choice. It is said that the turning vote was cast by the late Capt. Israel Haynes of Sudbury, a lifelong Democrat, who voted for Mr. Sumner only on the day of his election, and then simply, as he affirmed, on principle, and because he believed him to be the better man. The votes used at this twenty-fifth ballot were preserved by the Hon. Otis Clapp, who, in April, 1873, presented them to the New-England Historic-Genealogical Society, where they now remain. Although some thought this triumph of the progressive party would carry with it serious disaster to the Union, The evening Transcript very sensibly remarked:-- We are not prepared to proclaim the country ruined in consequence of this event. Mr. Sumner is a forcible and eloquent speaker, an apt scholar, a man of superior abilities, of polished address, and extensive ac
Erasmus Darwin (search for this): chapter 9
m national. the spirit of our literature against slavery. review of the argument. a beautiful peroration. Oh great design, Ye sons of mercy! Oh! complete your work; Wrench from Oppression's hand the iron rod, And bid the cruel feel the wounds they give. Man knows no master save creating Heaven, Or those whom choice and common good ordains. Liberty, by James Thomson. Hear him, ye senates! Hear this truth sublime,-- He who allows oppression shares the crime. Botanic Garden, by Erasmus Darwin. By a famous coalition of the Free-soil and Democratic parties, effected mainly through the agency of Henry Wilson in the legislature, 1851, Mr. Sumner was elected, over Robert C. Winthrop, the Whig candidate, to the Senate of the United States. The contest, commencing on the 16th day of January, was long and acrimonious. Mr. Winthrop had much experience in public affairs, and was an intimate friend of Daniel Webster. Mr. Sumner would make no pledges: he had never held, nor did he
H. S. Foote (search for this): chapter 9
tand the ordeal of fire then opening before him. With the exception of the dauntless John P. Hale and the indomitable Joshua R. Giddings, he stood almost alone in front of the gigantic force combined for the support of slavery; and, as the latter said, it took more courage to stand up in one's seat in Congress and say the right thing, than to walk up to the cannon's mouth. This courage Mr. Sumner had. On Wednesday, Jan. 10, he delivered his maiden speech on a resolution introduced by Senator H. S. Foote, tendering a welcome to the exiled patriot, Gov. Louis Kossuth, during which he used the celebrated expression, equality before the law. I would join in this welcome, not merely because it is essential to complete and crown the work of the last Congress, but because our guest deserves it at our hands. The distinction is great, I know; but it is not so great as his deserts. He deserves it as the early, constant, and incorruptible champion of the liberal cause in Hungary, who, yet
These are the words of Washington, uttered in the early darkness of the American Revolution. The rule of duty is the same for the lowly and the great; and I hope it may not seem presumptuous in one so humble as myself to adopt his determination, and to avow his confidence. I have the honor to be, fellow-citizens, With sincere regard, Your faithful friend and servant, Charles Sumner. Boston, May 14, 1851. Massachusetts had found her man, He had now arrived at that period which Dante calls Mezzo del cammin di nostra vita, and was in person tall, dignified, and commanding. His frame was solid and compact; his features were strongly marked; and his clear, dark eye, deeply set beneath his heavy brow and massive forehead, shone when he was engaged in speaking, with peculiar brilliancy. His voice was strong and musical, his gesticulation unconstrained and graceful. Nature had set on him her imperial seal of greatness, which a generous and untiring culture had developed. F
John Davis (search for this): chapter 9
not conscious of doing any thing to deserve reward nor am I conscious of receiving any reward. The office recently conferred upon me, and to which you probably refer, I regard as any thing but a reward. In my view, it is an imposition of new duties and labors, in a field which I never selected, and to which I do not in the least incline. . . . Ever yours, Charles Sumner. Mr. Sumner entered the United-States Senate on Monday, the first day of December, 1851; and, in the absence of John Davis, Gen. Lewis Cass rose, and said, I have been requested to present the credentials of Charles Sumner, a senator elect from the State of Massachusetts. The credentials having been read, William R. King of Alabama administered the oath of office. On the same day Henry Clay, after a brief speech, made his final retirement from that hall in which his eloquent voice had so many times been heard in the defence of constitutional liberty. In his own language, used a few years previously, he depa
August 9th (search for this): chapter 9
nstitution is sectional, and unless the sentiments of the fathers were sectional. It is my happiness to believe, and my hope to be able to show, that, according to the true spirit of the constitution, and according to the sentiments of the fathers, freedom, and not slavery, is national; while slavery, and not freedom, is sectional. In duty to the petitioners, and with the hope of promoting their prayer, I move the reference of their petition to the Committee on the Judiciary. On the 9th of August he paid a fitting tribute to Robert Rantoul, jun., characterizing him as a reformative conservative, and a conservative reformer. As a debater, said Mr. Sumner, he rarely met his peer. Fluent, earnest, rapid, sharp, incisive, his words came forth like a flashing cimeter. Few could stand against him. He always understood his subject; and then, clear, logical, and determined, seeing his point before him, pressed forward with unrelenting power. To the complaint of some of his suppor
but I challenge it. I have the satisfaction of knowing that my argument has been received as original and unanswerable. The attack of The Advertiser attests its importance. I shall always be glad to hear from you, and shall value your counsels. Ever yours, Charles Sumner. On the 8th of March he made a brief speech on cheap ocean-postage, which he declared would be a bond of peace among the nations of the earth, and which would extend peace and good — will among men. On the 14th of May following he submitted an able argument, on the pardoning-power, to President Fillmore; and on the 26th of the same month he presented a memorial from the Society of Friends (a body noted for their active sympathy for the suffering of the colored race) against the Fugitive-Slave Bill, respecting which the Southern members steadily endeavored to prevent discussion. He succeeded, however, in gaining the floor to offer the following remarks, in which his future course regarding slavery was
January 16th (search for this): chapter 9
ven, Or those whom choice and common good ordains. Liberty, by James Thomson. Hear him, ye senates! Hear this truth sublime,-- He who allows oppression shares the crime. Botanic Garden, by Erasmus Darwin. By a famous coalition of the Free-soil and Democratic parties, effected mainly through the agency of Henry Wilson in the legislature, 1851, Mr. Sumner was elected, over Robert C. Winthrop, the Whig candidate, to the Senate of the United States. The contest, commencing on the 16th day of January, was long and acrimonious. Mr. Winthrop had much experience in public affairs, and was an intimate friend of Daniel Webster. Mr. Sumner would make no pledges: he had never held, nor did he desire to hold, any political office. Mr. Sumner said in a conversation with James Redpath, written at the time, that committee after committee waited on him during the election, to get even verbal promises relative to tariff, and to ease off on the slave question; but he uniformly declined to
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