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1849 AD (search for this): chapter 2
passing resolutions instructing their Senators and requesting their Representatives. to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, Southern Legislatures and conventions were passing resolutions pledging themselves to measures of resistance. The interposition of the proviso, in season and out of season, and the violent and protracted debates to which it gave rise, defeated the establishment of territorial governments in California and New Mexico throughout the whole of the thirtieth Congress (1847-8 and 1848-9). Meanwhile it placed the two sections of the Union in hostile array against each other. The people of the one, instead of regarding those of the other as brethren, were converted into deadly enemies. At the meeting of the thirty-first Congress (December, 1849) serious apprehensions were everywhere entertained, among the most enlightened and purest patriots, for the safety of the Union. The necessity was admitted by all that measures should be adopted to ward off the impending danger.
1836 AD (search for this): chapter 2
atures, State and county conventions, anti-slavery societies, and abolition lectures were all employed for this purpose. Prominent among them were what were called, in the language of the day, abolition petitions. Throughout the session of 1835-6, and for several succeeding sessions, these petitions incessantly poured in to Congress. They prayed for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the forts, magazines, arsenals, and dockyards of the United States within the slaConstitutional compact which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain. Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. XII., part 1, 1835-6, p. 781. A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, a
1835 AD (search for this): chapter 2
gislatures, State and county conventions, anti-slavery societies, and abolition lectures were all employed for this purpose. Prominent among them were what were called, in the language of the day, abolition petitions. Throughout the session of 1835-6, and for several succeeding sessions, these petitions incessantly poured in to Congress. They prayed for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the forts, magazines, arsenals, and dockyards of the United States within the the Constitutional compact which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain. Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. XII., part 1, 1835-6, p. 781. A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States
March 9th, 1836 AD (search for this): chapter 2
ves, who alone possessed the power. The late President, as a Senator of the United States, from December, 1834, until March, 1845, lost no opportunity of warning his countrymen of the danger to the Union from a persistence in this anti-slavery agitation, and of beseeching them to suffer the people of the South to manage their domestic affairs in their own way. All they desired, to employ their ofted language, was to be let alone. With a prophetic vision, at so early a period as the 9th March, 1836, he employed the following language in the Senate: Sir, said Mr. B., this question of domestic slavery is the weak point in our institutions. Tariffs may be raised almost to prohibition, and then they may be reduced so as to yield no adequate protection to the manufacturer; our Union is sufficiently strong to endure the shock. Fierce political storms may arise—the moral elements of the country may be convulsed by the struggles of ambitious men for the highest honors of the Government—t
April 18th, 1851 AD (search for this): chapter 2
numerous and powerful advocates. In these States the institution had become unprofitable. According to the witty and eccentric Virginian, Mr. Randolph, if the slave did not soon run away from the master, the master would run away from the slave. Besides, at this period nobody loved slavery for its own sake. Virginia, whose example has always exercised great influence on her sister States, was, in 1832, on the verge of emancipation. Letter of Geo. W. Randolph to Nahum Capen, of 18th April, 1851. The current was then running strong in its favor throughout the State. Many of the leading men, both the principal newspapers, and probably a majority of the people sustained the policy and justice of emancipation. Numerous petitions in its favor were presented to the General Assembly. Mr. Jefferson Randolph, a worthy grandson of President Jefferson, and a delegate from one of the largest slaveholding counties of the commonwealth (Albemarle), brought forward a bill in the House to ac
1842 AD (search for this): chapter 2
t which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain. Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. XII., part 1, 1835-6, p. 781. A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, at the January term, 1842, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 16 Peter, 689. It is true, the opinion of the Court, delivered by Mr. Justice Story, explicitly affirmed the Constitutional right of the master to recover his fugitive slave in any State to which he had fled. It even went so far as to clothe the master himself with full authority, in every State of the Union, to seize arid recapture his slave, wherever he can do it without a breach of the peace or any illegal violence. After th
August 4th, 1846 AD (search for this): chapter 2
ple of the Southern States from emigrating with their slave property to the common territory of the United States, which might be acquired by the war with Mexico. Thus was raised anew the question in regard to slavery in the territories, which has since proved so fatal In May, 1846, the existence of war with Mexico, by the act of that Republic, was recognized by Congress, and measures were adopted for its prosecution. Act of 18th May, 1846; 9 U. S. S. at Large, p. 9. On the 4th of August, 1846, near the close of the session, 8 Statesman's Manual, 1610. President Polk, desirous of restoring peace as speedily as possible, and of adjusting the boundaries between the two Republics in a satisfactory manner, asked Congress for a small contingent appropriation, to be applied to this purpose, which it might or might not become necessary to employ before their next meeting. Accordingly, on the 8th of August a bill was presented to the House granting the President $2,000,000. T
1793 AD (search for this): chapter 2
ecommendation defeated the pulpit, the press, and other agencies abolition petitions the rise of an extreme Southern Proslavery party the Fugitive slave law of 1793, and the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, and its pernicious effects the South threaten secession the course of Mr. Buchanan as Senator the Wilmot Proviso and itvery guarantees were rendered practically of little or no avail, by the decision of the Court in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania, declaring that the Congress of 1793 had violated the Constitution by requiring State magistrates to aid in executing the law. We have no disposition to dispute the binding force of this decision, ain (page 394): Nor were these views contradicted by subsequent experience. From the day of the decision of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the act of 1793 was, says his biographer, a dead letter in the free States. The slaveholders, thus deprived of their rights, began to threaten secession from the Union. They c
January (search for this): chapter 2
ional compact which we have made with our sister States. Their rights will be held sacred by us. Under the Constitution it is their own question, and there let it remain. Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, vol. XII., part 1, 1835-6, p. 781. A new source of anti-slavery agitation was about this time opened against the execution of the old Fugitive Slave Law, passed in February, 1793. This was greatly increased by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, at the January term, 1842, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. 16 Peter, 689. It is true, the opinion of the Court, delivered by Mr. Justice Story, explicitly affirmed the Constitutional right of the master to recover his fugitive slave in any State to which he had fled. It even went so far as to clothe the master himself with full authority, in every State of the Union, to seize arid recapture his slave, wherever he can do it without a breach of the peace or any illegal violen
June 2nd, 1886 AD (search for this): chapter 2
1018. And he also commended to the special attention of Congress the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, through the mails, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection. 2 Statesman's Manual, p. 1019. A bill for this purpose was reported to the Senate, but after a long and animated debate, it was negatived, on the 8th of June, 1836, by a vote of 19 to 25. Senate Journal, June 2, 1886, pp. 899,400, and Con. Globe of June 8, 1836. It is worthy of remark, that even at this early period not a single Senator from New England, whether political friend or opponent of General Jackson, voted in favor of the measure he had so emphatically recommended. All the Senators from that portion of the Union, under the lead of Messrs. Webster and Davis, of Massachusetts, denied to Congress the Constitutional power of passing any law to prevent the abolitionists from using our own mails
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