hide Sorting

You can sort these results in two ways:

By entity
Chronological order for dates, alphabetical order for places and people.
By position (current method)
As the entities appear in the document.

You are currently sorting in ascending order. Sort in descending order.

hide Most Frequent Entities

The entities that appear most frequently in this document are shown below.

Entity Max. Freq Min. Freq
France (France) 516 0 Browse Search
United States (United States) 454 0 Browse Search
Virginia Washington 326 0 Browse Search
Vergennes 289 5 Browse Search
England (United Kingdom) 206 0 Browse Search
Greene 194 6 Browse Search
Henry Clinton 189 23 Browse Search
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) 170 0 Browse Search
William Franklin 166 0 Browse Search
1780 AD 160 160 Browse Search
View all entities in this document...

Browsing named entities in a specific section of George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10. Search the whole document.

Found 490 total hits in 154 results.

... 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 ...
Thomas Pownall (search for this): chapter 6
its waters are first let loose, rises slowly to its full height, so the mind of parliament needed time to collect its energies for official action. If British statesmen are blamed for not suffering her colonies to go free without a war, it must yet be confessed that the war grew by a kind of necessity out of the hundred years contest with the crown for the bulwark of English freedom. But now Fox would have England instantly declare their independence; Donne, II. 154, 17 March, 1778. Pownall, who had once defended the Stamp Act, urged their recognition; Almon's Debates, IX. 60. and Conway broke through his reserve, and said in Chap. V.} 1778. parliament: It has been proved to demonstration that there is no other method of having peace with them but acknowledging them to be, what they really are, and what they are determined to remain, independent states. The house of commons seemed secretly to agree with him. Almon's Debates, IX. 69. Tories began to vote against the mi
er. The majority, soon recovering from their consternation, determined to vote no taxes until the veto should be reversed. After a three days Chap. V.} 1778. adjournment, which was required by the rules before a rejected bill could be again brought forward, Rawlins Lowndes, the newly elected president, gave his sanction to the re-enacted bill. Richard Hutson to George Bryan, from Charleston, S. C., 14 March, 1778. John Rutledge to Henry Laurens, 16 Feb., 1778, and 8 March, 1778. In F. Moore's Materials for History, 94, 103-106. Ramsay's History of South Carolina, i. 129-138. The new constitution might be altered by legislative authority after a notice of ninety days. None but freeholders could elect or be elected to office; and for the higher offices the possession of a large freehold was required. In any redistribution of the representation of the state, the number of white inhabitants and the amount of taxable property were to be considered. The veto power was taken f
D'Estaing (search for this): chapter 6
d government congress could do no more than empower Washington to call upon the six states north of the Delaware for aids of militia, while its financial measure was a popular loan to be raised throughout the country by volunteer collectors. D'Estaing followed his enemy to the north, and anchored within Sandy Hook, where he intercepted unsuspecting British ships bound for New York. The fleet of Lord Howe was imperfectly manned, but his fame attracted from merchant vessels and transports a fdiers perished. The British troops, being quartered in the town, suffered less; and, on the return of fair weather, Pigot, but for his inertness, might have fallen upon a defenceless enemy. The squadron of Lord Howe steered for Sandy Hook. D'Estaing, three of whose ships had severally encountered three English ships, appeared on the twentieth within sight of Newport; but only to an- 20. nounce that, from the shattered condition of his fleet, and from want of water and provisions, after ne
Johnstone (search for this): chapter 6
nvince the people of the insidious designs of the commissioners. In the British house of commons, Coke of Norfolk proposed an address to the king to disavow the declaration. Lord George Germain defended it, insisting that the Americans by their alliance were become French, and should in future be treated as Frenchmen. Burke pointed out that the dreadful menace was pronounced against those who, conscious of rectitude, stood up to fight for freedom and country. No quarter, said the commissioner Johnstone, who in changing sides on the American question had not tamed the fury of his manner, no quarter ought to be shown to their congress; and, if the infernals could be let loose against them, I should approve of the measure. The proclamation certainly does mean a war of desolation: it can mean nothing else. Gibbon divided silently with the friends of America, who had with them the judgment, though not the vote, of the house. Three days later Rockingham denounced the accursed manifes
onsternation, determined to vote no taxes until the veto should be reversed. After a three days Chap. V.} 1778. adjournment, which was required by the rules before a rejected bill could be again brought forward, Rawlins Lowndes, the newly elected president, gave his sanction to the re-enacted bill. Richard Hutson to George Bryan, from Charleston, S. C., 14 March, 1778. John Rutledge to Henry Laurens, 16 Feb., 1778, and 8 March, 1778. In F. Moore's Materials for History, 94, 103-106. Ramsay's History of South Carolina, i. 129-138. The new constitution might be altered by legislative authority after a notice of ninety days. None but freeholders could elect or be elected to office; and for the higher offices the possession of a large freehold was required. In any redistribution of the representation of the state, the number of white inhabitants and the amount of taxable property were to be considered. The veto power was taken from the president. Till this time the church o
years contest with the crown for the bulwark of English freedom. But now Fox would have England instantly declare their independence; Donne, II. 154, 17 March, 1778. Pownall, who had once defended the Stamp Act, urged their recognition; Almon's Debates, IX. 60. and Conway broke through his reserve, and said in Chap. V.} 1778. parliament: It has been proved to demonstration that there is no other method of having peace with them but acknowledging them to be, what they really are, and what they are determined to remain, independent states. The house of commons seemed secretly to agree with him. Almon's Debates, IX. 69. Tories began to vote against the ministry. Correspondence of C. J. Fox, i. 168. The secretary of war, Lord Barrington, said to the king: The general dismay among all ranks and conditions arises from an opinion that the administration is not equal to the times. The opinion is so universal that it prevails even among those who are most dependent on the
pastimes and cares; while the British ministry, resigning the hope of reducing the north, indulged the expectation of conquering all the states to the south of the Susquehanna. Germain to Clinton, 8 March, 1778. For this end the British commander-in-chief at New York was ordered to despatch before October, if possible, a thousand men to re-enforce Pensacola, and three thousand to take Savannah. Two thousand more were destined as a re-enforcement to St. Augustine. Thus strengthened, General Prevost would be able to march in triumph from East Florida across lower Georgia. The new policy was inaugurated by dissensions between the minister for America in England and the highest British officials in America, and was fol- Chap. V.} 1778. lowed by never-ending complaints. Lord Carlisle and his associate commissioners deprecated the seeming purpose of enfeebling the establishment at New York by detachments for different and distant services. Under these appearances of weakness, so
de from Massachusetts and one from Rhode Island, of one thousand each, and they were followed by a further detachment. Directing Sullivan, who was placed over the district of Rhode Island, to throw the American troops into two divisions, he sent Greene to command the one, and Lafayette the other. Young Laurens served d'estaing as aid and interpreter. On the twenty-ninth of July, while Clinton was reporting to Germain that he would probably be under the necessity of evacuating New York and retresence of regular troops, superior Chap. V.} 1778. Aug. 29. in numbers. It began in the night of the twentyeighth. The next day the British attempted to get round the American right wing, and thus cut off every chance of escape. On that side Greene, almost within sight of his native town, held the command. Supported by young Laurens, he changed the defence into an attack, and drove the enemy in disorder back to their strong post on Quaker hill. In the engagement the British lost at least
Thomas Grenville (search for this): chapter 6
gh England had sent to America the greatest force which any European power ever ventured to transport into that continent, it was not strong enough to attack its enemy, nor to prevent them from receiving assistance. The war measures of the administration were, therefore, so repugnant to sound policy that they ceased to be right. Edward Gibbon to J. Holroyd, 13 Aug., 1777. After that surrender, In 1847 the Archbishop of York, whose memory went back to those days, and who was with Thomas Grenville in Paris in 1782, told me, that after the affair of Bunker Hill very many persons, after the surrender of Burgoyne almost every one, gave up the expectation that England would be able to enforce the dependence of the colonies. he agreed that, Chap. V.} 1778. since the substance of power was lost, the name of independence might be granted to the Americans. General Howe coupled his retirement from active service with the avowal that the disposable resources of his country could produce
Edward Gibbon (search for this): chapter 6
commercial, connection; while many were willing to give them up unconditionally. Even before the surrender of Burgoyne, Gibbon, a member of the Board of Trade, confessed that, though England had sent to America the greatest force which any Europeanhe war measures of the administration were, therefore, so repugnant to sound policy that they ceased to be right. Edward Gibbon to J. Holroyd, 13 Aug., 1777. After that surrender, In 1847 the Archbishop of York, whose memory went back to thos, and conceded every thing which the colonies Chap. V.} 1778. had demanded. There was a general cry for peace. Edward Gibbon to J. Holroyd, 2 Dec., 1777, and 4 Dec., 1777. The king, in January, 1778, confessed to Lord North: The time may comem, I should approve of the measure. The proclamation certainly does mean a war of desolation: it can mean nothing else. Gibbon divided silently with the friends of America, who had with them the judgment, though not the vote, of the house. Three d
... 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 ...