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Fortress Monroe (Virginia, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
thern population, it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, namely, the seizure of some or all of the Southern forts, which he named. In my opinion, he said, all these works should be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them, by surprise or coup de main, ridiculous. . . . It is the opinion that instructions should be given at once to the commanders of the Barancas [Pensacola], Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard against surprises. Another veteran warrior, who had been Scott's companion in arms for fifty years, full of patriotic zeal, and with a keen perception of danger, after reading the President's message wrote a letter remarkable for its good sense, foresight, and wisdom. That soldier was Major-General John Ellis Wool, then commander of the Eastern Department, which included the whole country eastward of the Mississippi River. He wrote to the venerable General Lewis Ca
Ohio (Ohio, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
citizens from any penalties incurred by a refusal to aid or obey the Fugitive Slave Law. Iowa, Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, California, and Oregon, made no laws on the subject. It is worthy of notcongregations, in our family worship, in each heart's private prayers, wrote Bishop McIlvaine, of Ohio, I solemnly feel that it is a time for all to beseech God to have mercy upon our country — not tonto His own guidance and government. Pastoral Letter to the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Ohio, December 7, 1860.--These evils are the punishment of sin, wrote Bishop McFarland, of Hartford, C Republicanism everywhere, upon our own soil; and, in the language of a distinguished member from Ohio in relation to the Mexican War, we will welcome you with bloody hands to hospitable graves. S such Democrats as Vallandigham, and Richardson, and Logan, and Cox, and McClernand, and Pugh, of Ohio — members of the House of Representatives--would stand by the Slave power in this matter, and pre
Minnesota (Minnesota, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
nt of the State's Attorney as counsel for the prisoners. It denied the use of the jails of the State for the purposes contemplated in the Fugitive Slave Law, and imposed a heavy penalty for the arrest of a free colored person as an alleged fugitive slave. The law in Wisconsin was substantially the same as that in Michigan, with an additional clause for the protection of its citizens from any penalties incurred by a refusal to aid or obey the Fugitive Slave Law. Iowa, Ohio, Illinois, Minnesota, California, and Oregon, made no laws on the subject. It is worthy of note, in this connection, that the statute-books of every Slave-labor State in the Union contained, at that time, Personal Liberty Acts, all of them as much in opposition to the letter and spirit of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 as any act passed by the Legislatures of Free-labor States. Some of them had penalties more severe. All of them provided for the use of law by the alleged slave; most of them gave him a tria
Connecticut (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
ve Slave Law of 1793, or that of 1850. It forbade the use of any prisons in the State for the same purpose. All public officers were forbidden to arrest, or assist in arresting, any alleged fugitive slave. And no officer of the State, acting as United States commissioner, was allowed to issue any warrant, excepting for the summoning of witnesses, nor allowed to hear and try any cause under the Fugitive Slave Law. This was a virtual nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law. The law in Connecticut was made only to prevent the kidnapping of free persons of color within its borders, by imposing a heavy penalty upon those who should arrest, or cause to be arrested, any free colored person, with intent to reduce him or her to slavery. The law in Rhode Island forbade the carrying away of any person by force out of the State; and provided that no public officer should officially aid the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, and denied the use of the jails for that purpose. New York
North Carolina (North Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
for the use of law by the alleged slave; most of them gave him a trial by jury; and those of North Carolina and Texas punished the stealer and seller of a free negro with death. The spirit and objectrence was made, it was spoken lightly of by the friends and foes of the Union. Clingman, of North Carolina, who, misrepresenting the sentiment of his State, was the first to sound the trumpet of disuisplayed, especially in the Senate Chamber, where, as we have observed, Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, who afterward became a brigadier-general in the Confederate army, had first sounded the truother States are holding on merely to see if proper guaranties can. be obtained. We have in North Carolina only two considerable parties. The absolute submissionists are too small to be called a parle culture of the plant being, it is said, the northern boundary of Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina. The entire area of the ten Cotton-producing States, in 1860, was 666,196 square miles, of
Rhode Island (Rhode Island, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
mmissioner, was allowed to issue any warrant, excepting for the summoning of witnesses, nor allowed to hear and try any cause under the Fugitive Slave Law. This was a virtual nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law. The law in Connecticut was made only to prevent the kidnapping of free persons of color within its borders, by imposing a heavy penalty upon those who should arrest, or cause to be arrested, any free colored person, with intent to reduce him or her to slavery. The law in Rhode Island forbade the carrying away of any person by force out of the State; and provided that no public officer should officially aid the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, and denied the use of the jails for that purpose. New York took no action on the subject; neither did New Jersey or Pennsylvania. Their statute-books had laws already therein relating to slavery. The law in Michigan secured to the person arrested the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, a trial by jury, and the empl
Hartford (Connecticut, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
senators and legislators; and all in authority, into His own guidance and government. Pastoral Letter to the Clergy and Laity of the Diocese of Ohio, December 7, 1860.--These evils are the punishment of sin, wrote Bishop McFarland, of Hartford, Connecticut, to the clergy of his diocese, and are to be averted only by appeasing the anger of Heaven. You will, therefore, request your congregation to unite in fervent prayers for the preservation of the Union and the peace of the country. For ty reception of the Sacraments of Penance and the Holy Eucharist, at or before Christmas; to give alms generally to the poor, and to turn their whole hearts in all humility to God. Pastoral Letter to the Roman Catholic Clergy of the Diocese of Hartford, December 14, 1860. More than forty leading clergymen of various denominations in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania united in sending forth January 1, 1861. a circular letter, in the form of an appeal to the churches, in which they said:--
Arkansas (Arkansas, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
in the United States. not through Boston, and New York, and Philadelphia, but through their own ports. What tariff we shall adopt as a war tariff, he said, I expect to discuss in a few months later, in another chamber. I tell you that Cotton is King! The production of cotton for commerce has hitherto been confined to a portion of ten States, as indicated on the accompanying map, the northern limit of the profitable culture of the plant being, it is said, the northern boundary of Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina. The entire area of the ten Cotton-producing States, in 1860, was 666,196 square miles, of which only 10,888 square miles were devoted to the cotton culture in that year. On those 10,888 square miles, 4,675,710 bales of cotton, weighing 400 pounds each, were raised in 1859-60. Of this amount Great Britain took 2,019,252 bales, or more than one-third of the. entire crop; France took 450,696 bales, and the States north of the Potomac took 760,218 bales. Th
South Carolina (South Carolina, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
he Southern States Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, and others, publicly declared, long beforry, the chief organ of the conspirators in South Carolina, scorning the assertion that any thing so on the subject of secession, it was this:--South Carolina has just cause for seceding from the Uniona petted monster, among the politicians of South Carolina, and was exhibited to the people whenever f State, on the 6th of December, saying :--South Carolina says she intends to leave the Union. Her and the Eastern Department, which includes South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. You k It might easily be done at this time. If South Carolina should take them, it might, as she anticiptates, in March, 1858, Senator Hammond, of South Carolina, said, exultingly:--You dare not make war she will have vested in the government of South Carolina all those powers which she, conjointly witreign department; and in the government of South Carolina will be vested the right to declare war, t[5 more...]
Kentucky (Kentucky, United States) (search for this): chapter 3
is reported to have said, in one of his speeches in the Northwest, alluding to recent disturbances, to burnings and poisonings there, that Texas was excited by free debate. Well, Sir, continued Clingman, with peculiar emphasis, a Senator from Texas The Senators from Texas were John Hemphill and Louis T. Wigfall. told me, the other day, that a good many of those debaters were hanging up by the trees in that country! When Clingman ceased speaking, the venerable John Jay Crittenden, of Kentucky, tottering with physical infirmities and the burden of seventy-five years--the Nestor of Congress — instantly arose and mildly rebuked the Senator, while his seditious words were yet ringing in the ears of his amazed peers. I rise here, he said, to express the hope, and that alone, that the bad example of the gentleman will not be followed. He spoke feelingly of costly sacrifices made for the establishment of the Union; of its blessings and promises; and hoped that there was not a Senator
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