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United States (United States) (search for this): entry stamp-act-the
Walpole, said, I will leave the taxation of America to some of my successors who have more couragithin the British colonies and plantations in America, a stamp duty should be imposed. Also for alting, and securing his Majesty's dominions in America. This phraseology was rather deceptive. Theuch a cry of remonstrance from all classes in America assailed the ears of the British ministry, aser revenue within your Majesty's dominions in America, towards defraying the said expenses; we, yous, throughout the colonies and plantations in America, which now are, or hereafter may be, under tholonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuolonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuolonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuithin the British colonies and plantations in America, a stamp duty of two shillings and six pence.[7 more...]
Benjamin Franklin (search for this): entry stamp-act-the
ertain sum which must be paid to obtain it. A penalty is imposed upon those attempting to evade it, and the transaction in which it should have been used was declared invalid without it. A stamp duty had never been imposed in the colonies. In 1732 it was proposed, but the great minister, Walpole, said, I will leave the taxation of America to some of my successors who have more courage than I have. In 1739 Sir William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, proposed such a tax in that province. Franklin thought it just, as he said in the convention at Albany in 1754: Lieutenant-governor De Lancey proposed it in New York in 1755; and in 1756 Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, urged Parliament to adopt a stamp tax. In 1757 it was proposed to Pitt to tax the colonies. I will never burn my fingers with an American stamp tax, he said. But George Grenville, Pitt's brother-inlaw, bolder than his predecessors, proposed in 1764 a stamp tax to be extended to the colonies. It was delayed to awa
ive. The British treasury had been exhausted not by defending the colonies, but by wars in Europe, and its coffers needed replenishing. This was the real meaning of the Stamp Act, and the Americans clearly perceived it. When accounts of this scheme reached Boston, the newly elected representatives of that town were instructed to use all their efforts against the pending plan of parliamentary taxation, and for the repeal of any such acts already passed. These instructions were drawn by Samuel Adams, and contained the first decided protest uttered against this taxation scheme. It was suggested that a combination of all the colonies in opposition to the act would be expedient. A committee of correspondence was appointed to hold communications with the other colonial assemblies, and the political postulate— Taxation without representation is tyranny —an idea borrowed from the Dutch, was boldly enunciated in a pamphlet by James Otis, entitled The rights of the British colonies asserte
f the House of Lords, their unrelenting enmity to measures of peace. On March 18, 1766, in pursuance of the provisions of a bill introduced in Parliament by William Pitt, the act was repealed. In the bill was a clause declaratory of the right of Parliament to tax the colonies, which was not acceptable to the latter. Pitt saidhis clause, so of two evils he chose the least. The Americans were so pleased, however, with the repeal of the obnoxious act that, in gratitude to the King and to Pitt, statues were erected to them. An equestrian statue of the King was erected in Bowling Green, New York City, and a statue of Pitt in the attitude of speaking was Pitt in the attitude of speaking was set up at the intersection of Wall and William streets. Another was erected in Charleston, S. C. The King was dissatisfied with the repeal of the Stamp Act, regarding it as a fatal compliance which had wounded the majesty of England, and planted thorns under his pillow. He scolded Lord North, for he preferred the risk of losing
ts entered into agreements not to import goods from Great Britain, and very soon such a cry of remonstrance from all classes in America assailed the ears of the British ministry, as well as from merchants and manufacturers of London, that the question of repealing the act was raised. In March, 1766, a protest, prepared by Lord Lyttelton, against the repeal of the Stamp Act, was signed by thirty-three peers. In that House it was maintained that such a strange and unheard — of submission of King, Lords, and Commons to a successful insurrection of the colonies would make the authority of Great Britain contemptible. There were sixty-three members of the House of Lords, including several bishops, who were for subduing the colonies with fire and sword, if necessary; but the vote for repeal stood 105 against 71. Soon afterwards a second protest, containing a vigorous defence of the policy of Grenville, and showing a disposition to enforce the Stamp Act at all hazards, was signed by twen
was declared invalid without it. A stamp duty had never been imposed in the colonies. In 1732 it was proposed, but the great minister, Walpole, said, I will leave the taxation of America to some of my successors who have more courage than I have. In 1739 Sir William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, proposed such a tax in that province. Franklin thought it just, as he said in the convention at Albany in 1754: Lieutenant-governor De Lancey proposed it in New York in 1755; and in 1756 Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, urged Parliament to adopt a stamp tax. In 1757 it was proposed to Pitt to tax the colonies. I will never burn my fingers with an American stamp tax, he said. But George Grenville, Pitt's brother-inlaw, bolder than his predecessors, proposed in 1764 a stamp tax to be extended to the colonies. It was delayed to await suggestions from the latter. The law required that for every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which should be e
sidences of officials and burn distinguished royalists in effigy. Merchants entered into agreements not to import goods from Great Britain, and very soon such a cry of remonstrance from all classes in America assailed the ears of the British ministry, as well as from merchants and manufacturers of London, that the question of repealing the act was raised. In March, 1766, a protest, prepared by Lord Lyttelton, against the repeal of the Stamp Act, was signed by thirty-three peers. In that House it was maintained that such a strange and unheard — of submission of King, Lords, and Commons to a successful insurrection of the colonies would make the authority of Great Britain contemptible. There were sixty-three members of the House of Lords, including several bishops, who were for subduing the colonies with fire and sword, if necessary; but the vote for repeal stood 105 against 71. Soon afterwards a second protest, containing a vigorous defence of the policy of Grenville, and showin
g to evade it, and the transaction in which it should have been used was declared invalid without it. A stamp duty had never been imposed in the colonies. In 1732 it was proposed, but the great minister, Walpole, said, I will leave the taxation of America to some of my successors who have more courage than I have. In 1739 Sir William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, proposed such a tax in that province. Franklin thought it just, as he said in the convention at Albany in 1754: Lieutenant-governor De Lancey proposed it in New York in 1755; and in 1756 Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, urged Parliament to adopt a stamp tax. In 1757 it was proposed to Pitt to tax the colonies. I will never burn my fingers with an American stamp tax, he said. But George Grenville, Pitt's brother-inlaw, bolder than his predecessors, proposed in 1764 a stamp tax to be extended to the colonies. It was delayed to await suggestions from the latter. The law required that for every skin or piece of
it was proposed, but the great minister, Walpole, said, I will leave the taxation of America to some of my successors who have more courage than I have. In 1739 Sir William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, proposed such a tax in that province. Franklin thought it just, as he said in the convention at Albany in 1754: Lieutenant-governor De Lancey proposed it in New York in 1755; and in 1756 Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, urged Parliament to adopt a stamp tax. In 1757 it was proposed to Pitt to tax the colonies. I will never burn my fingers with an American stamp tax, he said. But George Grenville, Pitt's brother-inlaw, bolder than his predecessors, proposed in 1764 a stamp tax to be extended to the colonies. It was delayed to await suggestions from the latter. The law required that for every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on which should be engrossed, written, or printed any declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other
Stamp act, the Laws authorizing the use of stamps, stamped paper, or stamps on packages, bearing fixed rates for the stamps, for raising revenue, were introduced into England, in the reign of William and Mary, from Holland. From that time until now the system has been a favorite one in England for raising revenue. Each stamp represents a tax for a certain sum which must be paid to obtain it. A penalty is imposed upon those attempting to evade it, and the transaction in which it should have been used was declared invalid without it. A stamp duty had never been imposed in the colonies. In 1732 it was proposed, but the great minister, Walpole, said, I will leave the taxation of America to some of my successors who have more courage than I have. In 1739 Sir William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, proposed such a tax in that province. Franklin thought it just, as he said in the convention at Albany in 1754: Lieutenant-governor De Lancey proposed it in New York in 1755; and in 1
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